RaceAlwaysMattered: Black-on-Black Mob Violence and Interracial Relations in Kansas

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-57
Author(s):  
Brent M.S. Campney
Author(s):  
Nicolette D. Manglos-Weber

This chapter presents the historical and conceptual background to the book’s argument. It starts with a history of Ghana, followed by an analysis of the trends that have led to high levels of out-migration, and then to a description of Ghanaian populations in Chicago. Next, it addresses the concept of social trust in general and personal trust in particular, developing a theory of personal trust as an imaginative and symbolic activity, and analyzing interracial relations through the lens of racialized distrust. It concludes by describing the role of religion in the integration of immigrant groups into the United States and the particular religious frameworks that characterize Charismatic Evangelical Christianity in Ghana.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Abbott ◽  
Amy Kate Bailey

As a 2016 presidential candidate, Donald J. Trump invoked racially charged rhetoric to galvanize conservative white voters who felt left behind in the “new economy.” In this article, we ask whether Trump’s ability to attract electoral support in that way was linked to local histories of racist mob violence. We use county-level data on threatened and completed lynchings of Black people to predict support for Trump in the 2016 Republican presidential primary and general election across eleven southern states. We find that fewer voters cast their ballots for Trump in counties that had suppressed a comparatively larger share of potentially lethal episodes of racist mob violence. Supplementary analyses suggest that counties’ histories of violence are also related to their electoral support for Republican presidential candidates more broadly. We posit that this correlation points to the durable effects of racist violence on local cultures and the imprint of community histories on the social environment.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Stutz

AbstractWith the present paper I would like to discuss a particular form of procession which we may term mocking parades, a collective ritual aimed at ridiculing cultic objects from competing religious communities. The cases presented here are contextualized within incidents of pagan/Christian violence in Alexandria between the 4th and 5th centuries, entailing in one case the destruction of the Serapeum and in another the pillaging of the Isis shrine at Menouthis on the outskirts of Alexandria. As the literary accounts on these events suggest, such collective forms of mockery played an important role in the context of mob violence in general and of violence against sacred objects in particular. However, while historiographical and hagiographical sources from the period suggest that pagan statues underwent systematic destruction and mutilation, we can infer from the archaeological evidence a vast range of uses and re-adaptation of pagan statuary in the urban space, assuming among other functions that of decorating public spaces. I would like to build on the thesis that the parading of sacred images played a prominent role in the discourse on the value of pagan statuary in the public space. On the one hand, the statues carried through the streets became themselves objects of mockery and violence, involving the population of the city in a collective ritual of exorcism. On the other hand, the images paraded in the mocking parades could also become a means through which the urban space could become subject to new interpretations. Entering in visual contact with the still visible vestiges of the pagan past, with the temples and the statuary of the city, the “image of the city” became affected itself by the images paraded through the streets, as though to remind the inhabitants that the still-visible elements of Alexandria’s pagan topography now stood as defeated witnesses to Christianity’s victory.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heribert Adam ◽  
Kogila Moodley

The responses to the January 2015 looting of foreign-owned shops inSoweto and in April in Durban's central business district and elsewhere reveal more about the South African national consciousness than the events themselves. The ritual condemnations; the initial denial of xenophobia in preference to labelling it criminality; blaming victims and convoluted excuses of perpetrators are almost worse than the official silence and long-standing passivity about well-known xenophobic attitudes. When the President insists that "South Africans in general are not xenophobic", he ignores all surveys (Afrobarometer) showing a vast majority distrust (black) foreigners, wish to restrict their residence rights and prohibit the eventual acquisition of citizenship.On these scores South African attitudes are not unique. Antiimmigrant hostility inflicts most European societies. Perhaps suspicion of strangers is even universal: preferential kin selection as an evolutionaryadvantage, as sociobiologists assert. What is uniquely South African is the ferocious mob violence against fellow Africans. Why? The structural violence of apartheid laws has continued in the post-apartheid era for many reasons: the breakdown of family cohesion in poor areas which no longer shames brutalised youngsters; loss of moral legitimacy by government institutions, particularly a dysfunctional justice system; violence was glorified in the 'armed struggle', but, above all, marginalised slum dwellers learned that they only receive attention when they act destructively. Despite a rule bound constitution for conflict resolution, in a representative survey (Afrobarometer) 43 per cent in the Western Cape agreed with the suggestion that "it is sometimes necessary to use violence in support for a just cause".


2019 ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
Brent M. S. Campney

The conclusion synthesizes the book’s themes. Substantively, it summarizes racist violence and its temporal and spatial adaptations, exclusion and the growth of sundown towns, Jim Crow restrictions and their expansion, and police and their appropriation of mob violence. It reviews the black response through armed resistance, legal, journalistic, and organizational challenges, and concentration of population in cities. It assesses the role of modernity in facilitating these changes. In terms of methodology, the conclusion highlights a more nuanced assessment of targeted violence against black families. In historiographic terms, it suggests that the fear of interracial sex in the Midwest pre-dated that in the South, that the concentration of blacks motivated more racist violence than did the origin of the white settlers, and that situational suicides by blacks faced with imminent death require more critical interrogation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Brent M. S. Campney

This chapter analyzes the lynching of Joseph Spencer, a successful black businessman, by a mob in Cairo, Illinois, in 1854, and the armed resistance that he mounted against the mob—shooting several white men—before succumbing to its brutality. To achieve these objectives, it situates the Spencer lynching within the larger historical context of race relations and racist violence in antebellum southern Illinois. It then speculates on the implications of the Cairo lynching for the subsequent history of racist violence in Illinois and for the historiography of mob violence in the Midwest more generally.


Author(s):  
Gina M. Martino

This chapter explores how colonists in seventeenth-century New England used gender ideologies about women’s roles as actors in public spheres to frame their understanding of women who fought in the region’s wars. The chapter explores this idea from three different angles. First, it examines how New England’s colonies incorporated women’s martial activities into their colonization strategy, sometimes even requiring women to remain in remote fortified towns, living in garrison houses that simultaneously served as military and household spaces. Second, it looks at how Native women participated in the region’s wars as leaders (sachems), spies, combatants, and in ritual torture. The chapter investigates how English politicians used their own concepts about women’s public roles to shape their ideas about Native female combatants. This section also features a case study of Weetamoo of the Pocasset, a prominent female sachem who died while leading an anti-colonial coalition in King Philip’s War (1675-76). Third, the chapter explores how English women attempted to shape military and colonial policy through mob violence.


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