armed resistance
Recently Published Documents


TOTAL DOCUMENTS

173
(FIVE YEARS 46)

H-INDEX

6
(FIVE YEARS 0)

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Shaul Shay

The main violent threat to the Taliban regime comes from the Islamic State in Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) armed group, but the Taliban regime will also have to deal with armed resistance from ethnic groups in Afghanistan that already feel threatened by the new regime. ISIS – K presents a serious challenge to the Taliban's regime in Afghanistan as the group operates in cells across the country. ISIS – K doesn't possess the capabilities to overthrow the Taliban government. Still, they can damage the credibility of the Taliban, which has claimed that it is the only group that can bring peace and stability to the country. The ethnic groups (the Shia Hazara and Uzbek and Tajik ethnic groups) are already under pressure in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. These groups that in the 1990s formed the "Northern Alliance" that fought against the Taliban are organizing to defend themselves against Islamic State attacks and Taliban persecution and in the future could become a significantly armed opposition to the Taliban regime.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Paul Lelen Haokip ◽  
Maya M ◽  
D. Benjamin Haokip
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
L. N. Khakhovskaya ◽  

The author analyzes the process of collectivization of the Vilyuney Chukchi local group. Chukchi reindeer herders put up armed resistance to Soviet reforms. The central event of the Vilyuney Chukchi collectivization, known as the Beryozovo village riot, has a great resonance. The author traces the historical, social, and ethnocultural background of the Vilyuneу Chukchi long-term opposition to the Soviet power. The conclusion is that during collectivization the Vilyuney Chukchi were following the ethnic interaction stereotypes developed in the previous historical period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
ABDELLATIF EL AIDI

During the latter part of the Nineteenth Century, the European colonial rivalry over Morocco intensified. The European powers targeted the North African country because of its strategic location and rich natural resources. Hence, after establishing the French and Spanish Protectorates over Morocco, the colonial powers started to implement their exploitative policies in the Sherifian Kingdom. Those policies provoked the Moroccan people, who refused any foreign presence in their country and pushed them to engage in armed resistance. However, the failure of the armed resistance to liberate Morocco and the emergence of a new generation saturated with the spirit of peaceful resistance contributed to the birth of the Moroccan nationalist movement as a political organization aiming to confront the colonizers’ plans and ambitions by peaceful means. The present paper is intended to highlight the political struggle of the Moroccan nationalist movement from its inception to 1944. More specifically, the paper aims to outline the factors contributing to the emergence of the movement and the means of actions it adopted in its peaceful struggle against colonialism. Finllay, it discusses the historical events that encouraged the nationalist movement to move from calling for reforms to calling for full independence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 201 (3) ◽  
pp. 585-601
Author(s):  
Maciej Chmielewski

In 1991, the process of disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began. The former Socialist Republics of Croatia and Slovenia were the first to announce their secession from the Federation in the last days of June. To restore the constitutional order, units of the Armed Forces of the SFR of Yugoslavia were sent to Slovenia, which faced the armed resistance of the Slovenian Territorial Defense (TO RS or TOS). In the Ten-Day War, the Federal troops, despite their numerical and technical advantage, suffered a defeat in the confrontation with the TOS subunits. Decisive for the success of Slovenian actions turned out to be the right choice of method of operation, knowledge of the combat environment, as well as high morale and support provided by the civilian population. The example of the Ten-Day War, an analysis of its course, shows that with the appropriate use of the TOS forces, they can conduct an effective fight against operational troops and be a fully-fledged component of the Armed Forces.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Manuel J. Manu-Osafo

Abstract The British surprisingly faced no military resistance when they captured Asante in 1896. Previous works have focused on the agency of actors like Prempe and Frederick Hodgson to explain why. This paper, in contrast, approaches this epoch in Asante history from the context of the sociopolitical power structure within which the precolonial Asante state operated. It asserts that Asante's independence was contingent on having a strong military. But since it had no standing army, the state used Asante's ‘social contract’ to coerce its subjects into ad hoc armies to meet military threats. Starting from the 1874 Sagrenti War, however, the state disregarded the social contract. This unleashed a series of events that undermined the state's power to coerce Asantes into military service. The article posits further that this erosion of the state's coercive power ultimately prevented it from countering the British with armed resistance in 1896 to maintain independence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 183-202
Author(s):  
Vaida Ragėnaitė

Hopes to restore the independent state of Lithuania lasted throughout the 19th century and promoted ideas of civil resistance in Poland and Lithuania. The struggle for independence erupted through the uprisings of 1794, 1830-31, and 1863. While these attempts at armed resistance did not lead to the liberation of Lithuania nor Poland, they demonstrated the undying willingness to regain freedom. The role of artists grew up with the increasing repressions of the tsarist government. Paintings and poems became weapons in the fight against the tsarist policy of Russification. The paper focuses on the works that the painters, Vincentas Smakauskas (1797–1876) and Kanutas Ruseckas (1800–1860), done after the suppressed uprising of 1831. A research hypothesis is a statement that paintings produced in this dramatic period of history embodied secret symbolic meanings and represented ideas of civil resistance.


Author(s):  
Magda Lorena Cárdenas ◽  
Jenny Hedström

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402198976
Author(s):  
Javier Osorio ◽  
Livia Isabella Schubiger ◽  
Michael Weintraub

What are the legacies of armed resistance? Why do some communities engage in armed mobilization in response to violence, disorder, and insecurity, while others under very similar conditions do not? Focusing on mobilization against organized crime in contemporary Mexico, we argue that historical experiences of armed resistance can have lasting effects on local preferences, networks, and capacities, which can facilitate armed collective action under conditions of rampant insecurity in the long run. Empirically, we study the Cristero rebellion in the early 20th century and grassroots anti-crime mobilization in Mexico during recent years. Using an instrumental variables approach, we show that communities that pushed back against state incursions almost a century earlier were more likely to rise up against organized crime in contemporary times.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document