Does women's representation in elected office lead to women-friendly policy? Analysis of state-level data

2004 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Caiazza
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinna Kroeber ◽  
Vanessa Marent ◽  
Jessica Fortin-Rittberger ◽  
Christina Eder

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (4) ◽  
pp. 989-1000 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIELLE M. THOMSEN ◽  
AARON S. KING

The leading explanation for the underrepresentation of women in American politics is that women are less likely to run for office than men, but scholars have given less attention in recent years to the gender makeup of the pipeline to elected office. We examine the gendered pipeline to power across three potential candidate pools: lower-level officeholders, those named in newspapers as likely candidates, and lawyers who made political contributions. We find some evidence that women are less likely to seek elected office; however, the dearth of women in the pipeline plays a much greater role in the lack of women candidates. For the gender disparity in candidates to close, women have to be far more likely to run for office than men, particularly on the Republican side. Our results highlight the need to consider the gendered pipeline to power alongside rates of entry in studies of women’s underrepresentation.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Gidengil ◽  
Richard Vengroff

AbstractUsing data on women's representation at the municipal level in Quebec over the 1985–1995 period, this article questions the assumption that there are few barriers to women's access to elected office at the local level. While the number of female mayors and councillors in Quebec's cities has increased significantly, the authors find that many councils have either no women or only a token female presence. The more desirable the council seat, the less likely women are to have achieved a significant level of representation. The general weakness of community characteristics and political structures in explaining variation in women's representation points to the presence of more systemic barriers.


Author(s):  
Michael S. Danielson

The first empirical task is to identify the characteristics of municipalities which US-based migrants have come together to support financially. Using a nationwide, municipal-level data set compiled by the author, the chapter estimates several multivariate statistical models to compare municipalities that did not benefit from the 3x1 Program for Migrants with those that did, and seeks to explain variation in the number and value of 3x1 projects. The analysis shows that migrants are more likely to contribute where migrant civil society has become more deeply institutionalized at the state level and in places with longer histories as migrant-sending places. Furthermore, the results suggest that political factors are at play, as projects have disproportionately benefited states and municipalities where the PAN had a stronger presence, with fewer occurring elsewhere.


Author(s):  
Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer

In this introductory chapter of Gender and Representation in Latin America, Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer argues that gender inequality in political representation in Latin America is rooted in institutions and the democratic challenges and political crises facing Latin American countries. She situates the book in two important literatures—one on Latin American politics and democratic institutions, the other on gender and politics—and then explains how the book will explore the ways that institutions and democratic challenges and political crises moderate women’s representation and gender inequality. She introduces the book’s framework of analyzing the causes and consequences of women’s representation, overviews the organization of the volume, and summarizes the main arguments of the chapters.


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