Boundaries of Hate: Ethical Implications of the Discursive Construction of Hate Speech in U.S. Opinion Journalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Brett Gregory Johnson ◽  
Ryan J. Thomas ◽  
Kimberly Kelling
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-216
Author(s):  
Vlasta Kučiš ◽  
Darja Kupinić Gušić

This article deals with hate speech in public discourse and the media, emphasizing the importance of detecting it in a timely manner in order to remove it. This falls within the scope of the tasks of public administration according to the EU’s normative framework because language is one of the main ways that discrimination is enacted. To this end, the empirical research was carried out in two parts. The first part identifies and analyzes unacceptable public behavior (hate speech), defining types of occurrence as opposed to insults and slander, and identifying the advantages and disadvantages of using language technologies for timely identification. The second part of the research detects occurrences of hate speech in Croatian offline media using the example of the 2019 European Parliament elections, drawing attention to a number of methodological obstacles preventing timely identification of hate speech. The results of this investigation contribute to understanding the linguistic-discursive construction of offline and online hate speech in multicultural communities. It is hoped that regulatory authorities will use the results of this research to facilitate implementation of the EU normative framework.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabienne Baider

Abstract This paper reports on a manual monitoring of online representations of LGBT persons in the Republic of Cyprus for the period April 2015–February 2016. The article contextualizes the prevalence of “hate speech” in online Greek Cypriot comments against LGBT individuals, and, more generally, against non-heterosexuals. Adopting a Foucauldian position vis-à-vis the social and discursive construction of sexuality, we outline, first, the socio-historical context (Fairclough 1989, 2003) with a focus on LGBT rights in the Republic of Cyprus and the nationalistic project construing sexualities. We then examine the different levels of discursive discrimination practices, providing a snapshot of the types of “hate speech” referring to this topic typically found in such an environment. The focus is on identification of the frames used to construct LGBT identities, and their perception.We use in our title the word subject as defined by post-modernists and by Butler in particular (2009 : iii): subject refers to “a socially produced ‘agent’ and ‘deliberator’ whose agency and thought is made possible by a language that precedes that ‘I’. In this sense the ‘I’ is produced through power (….)”. This paper focuses on the socially produced definition of the LGBT community in the context under study. We thus address the way in which sexuality is constructed within a compulsory and hegemonic heterosexuality and heteronormativity. We analyze our data i.e. comments focused on the LGBT community, with corpus linguistic tools (Baker et al. 2008; Brindle 2016) as well as through a qualitative examination of the identified frames. Our analysis confirms an interface between nationalism and compulsory hegemonic heteronormativity in the Republic as well as the influence of the Orthodox Church and its beliefs (Kamenou 2011a, 2011b, 2016).


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Skilling

From 1999–2008, New Zealand’s Labour-led coalition Government fashioned a specific discourse of globalisation and the nation. Within a representation of globalisation as a realm of hostile competition, New Zealanders were increasingly addressed as contributors to an urgently necessary and meaningfully shared national response. While there was nothing particularly unusual about this discourse, the history and structure of New Zealand society meant that its political and ethical implications could be seen particularly clearly in this setting. This article analyses three key features of the government’s discourse — its future-focussed orientation, its heavy use of imperative terms and its careful use of the first person plural — and shows how they led logically to a reductive address and positioning of individuals and sub-state groups. Drawing on elements of CDA and critical political theory, it explores how the discursive construction of a shared (national) purpose served an anti-political function by marginalising divergent perspectives, including the historically-based claims of the indigenous Maori.


Author(s):  
Fredrick Meeme Irimba ◽  
Jacinta Ndambuki ◽  
Florence Mwithi

The increasing shift of human activities to online spaces in Kenya has resulted in the new behaviours among internet consumers. One such behaviour is the growing online public journalism phenomenon amid legal and regulatory gaps permeating expression of online hate speech rhetoric disguised as ‘politically correct talk’ which often goes unquestioned despite its injurious force and the potential to precipitate physical violence in the long run. To judge content as hateful, Kenya’s judicial processes rely the establishment of speech intention to hurt a legally protected entity. However, hate speech law enforcers lack skill and capacity to accurately determine the pragmatic force of hateful language. This article, which is a part of broad study that examined the discursive construction of online hate rhetoric, examines the injurious potential of online micro-speech acts and performative modality of selected Facebook posts and tweets constituting the day-to-day communicative practices online during the 2017 general election in Kenya. Working within forensic-based Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis (CMDA) framework, we analyse a purposive sample of 160 posts; FB (120) and Twitter (40) collected through online observation of Facebook groups and hashtags trending in Kenya between July and November 2017. The findings show how micro-speech acts and performative modality worked in service of aggressive ideology in the form of overt and covert appeals for collective prejudice against marked ethno-political out-groups. These insights are relevant for policy makers such as NCIC, KHR and CAK as well as the hate speech law enforcers especially National Police Service and prosecutors in understanding how certain commonsensical day to day online communicative practices yield pragmatic potential to propagate ideologically rooted culture of hate and violence in multi-ethnic cultural contexts such as Kenya.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin M. Monti ◽  
Adrian M. Owen

Recent evidence has suggested that functional neuroimaging may play a crucial role in assessing residual cognition and awareness in brain injury survivors. In particular, brain insults that compromise the patient’s ability to produce motor output may render standard clinical testing ineffective. Indeed, if patients were aware but unable to signal so via motor behavior, they would be impossible to distinguish, at the bedside, from vegetative patients. Considering the alarming rate with which minimally conscious patients are misdiagnosed as vegetative, and the severe medical, legal, and ethical implications of such decisions, novel tools are urgently required to complement current clinical-assessment protocols. Functional neuroimaging may be particularly suited to this aim by providing a window on brain function without requiring patients to produce any motor output. Specifically, the possibility of detecting signs of willful behavior by directly observing brain activity (i.e., “brain behavior”), rather than motoric output, allows this approach to reach beyond what is observable at the bedside with standard clinical assessments. In addition, several neuroimaging studies have already highlighted neuroimaging protocols that can distinguish automatic brain responses from willful brain activity, making it possible to employ willful brain activations as an index of awareness. Certainly, neuroimaging in patient populations faces some theoretical and experimental difficulties, but willful, task-dependent, brain activation may be the only way to discriminate the conscious, but immobile, patient from the unconscious one.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Gabriel Proulx

Valérie par Valérie opens new critical paths which are fertile, though difficult to unpack. Published under the enigmatic and collective name La Rédaction, this book – whose main (or only) author seems to be Christophe Hanna – develops what we could call a viral critique, which seeks to occupy dominant ideologies to undermine them from within rather than oppose them with a new ideology. This article aims firstly to define Hanna's viral critique, based on his own theoretical works and Guy Debord's notion of spectacle as a social and economic mechanism. It then analyzes the specific form taken by that critique in Valérie par Valérie, where the author opposes the separation of literary and non-literary forms, as well as contemporary ultracapitalism and its political-economic ramifications. Finally, the ethical implications of this type of implicit critical exercise are explored through semioethics, in order to determine the efficiency of Hanna's project.


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