The Noblest Cry: A History of the American Civil Liberties Union. By Charles Lam Markmann. (New York: St. Martin's Press. 1965. Pp. xiii, 464.$7.95.)

2021 ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Hillary Lazar

From January 1933 through April 1940, Man! A Journal of the Anarchist Ideal and Movement served as the central connector for a transnational anarchist network that extended across multiple continents from North America to Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. As the main organ of the “International Group”—an organization with chapters throughout the United States—Man! also linked radical immigrant communities throughout America. In addition to demonstrating the importance of print publications as an avenue for transatlantic and inter-ethnic connection, the story of Man! provides a lesser-known, early example of an international solidarity movement and critical window into political repression. With help from the American Civil Liberties Union, the several-year governmental effort to suppress the journal and deport its editors Vincent Ferrero and Domenic Sallitto as well as their colleague, Marcus Graham, became an international cause célèbre that sparked an international defense movement. Recounting the history of Man! and the International Group helps to bring this moment in transnational anarchist resistance to light, while elucidating the ways in which xenophobia-driven immigration policy can serve as a means for State-based suppression of political dissent.


Author(s):  
Trevor Griffey

Robert Justin Goldstein, American Blacklist: The Attorney General’s List of Subversive Organizations (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2008) Ivan Greenberg, The Dangers of Dissent : The FBI and Civil Liberties Since 1965 (New York: Lexington Books, 2010) Tim Wiener, Enemies: A History of the FBI (New York: Random House, 2012)


Biometrics ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 1439-1463
Author(s):  
Matthew Crick

According to the London Telegraph (Barrett, 2013), Online London has one CCTV camera for every 11 people in Britain. The average number is most likely around five million cameras in total. MSNBC (Timm, 2013) reported in August 2013 that the number of security cameras in the New York City public sector was as many as 6,000. In Chicago in May 2013 (Cox, 2013), the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) reported a “frightening number” of surveillance cameras, with as many as 22,000 citywide, posing what Adam Schwartz of the ACLU called a menace to privacy. The twin concepts of surveillance and power are expressed in unique ways in YouTube. Philosophers such as Michel Foucault have written extensively about these ideas regarding cultural institutions such as prisons and democratic governments. In many ways, YouTube is organized and exhibits similar expressions of who has power and who is watching us. However, YouTube is different; the Internet and YouTube have made citizen surveillance fast, inexpensive, and easy. According to many companies and corporations, including YouTube's parent company Google, consumers are tracked—in fact, each mouse click is tracked—to provide better services and more products and to prepackage demographic and socioeconomic information, which corporations and companies can sell to other for-profit entities. Google and YouTube make this easy with Adsense and Adwords technologies and, like television and film, the YouTube worldwide audience is ripe for commodification, often with users' full knowledge and consent. YouTube advertising strategies are widely used; reportedly, a full-size YouTube banner advertisement can cost $200,000 or more. YouTube provides a place to make money, although not a living wage for most YouTubers, and this possibility and cultural narrative is widely disseminated throughout the Googleverse and YouTube. Similar to broadcast television audiences, YouTube audiences are measured using A. C. Nielsen tools. This company creates and controls the measurement technology used to determine YouTube's monetary value so advertising costs can be institutionalized. YouTube audiences and how they think, behave, and function in YouTube is an important part of YouTube discourse. The scholarly discourse surrounding Audience Studies shines an additional light into what it's like to be a YouTuber.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 598-603

Sommaire Le 13 avril 1959, l'American Civil Liberties Union (170, Fifth Avenue, New York 10. N.Y.) publiait une déclaration de principes sur le droit d'association pour les fonctionnaires, le droit de grève et l'atelier syndical. En voici une traduction.


According to the London Telegraph (Barrett, 2013), Online London has one CCTV camera for every 11 people in Britain. The average number is most likely around five million cameras in total. MSNBC (Timm, 2013) reported in August 2013 that the number of security cameras in the New York City public sector was as many as 6,000. In Chicago in May 2013 (Cox, 2013), the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) reported a “frightening number” of surveillance cameras, with as many as 22,000 citywide, posing what Adam Schwartz of the ACLU called a menace to privacy. The twin concepts of surveillance and power are expressed in unique ways in YouTube. Philosophers such as Michel Foucault have written extensively about these ideas regarding cultural institutions such as prisons and democratic governments. In many ways, YouTube is organized and exhibits similar expressions of who has power and who is watching us. However, YouTube is different; the Internet and YouTube have made citizen surveillance fast, inexpensive, and easy. According to many companies and corporations, including YouTube's parent company Google, consumers are tracked—in fact, each mouse click is tracked—to provide better services and more products and to prepackage demographic and socioeconomic information, which corporations and companies can sell to other for-profit entities. Google and YouTube make this easy with Adsense and Adwords technologies and, like television and film, the YouTube worldwide audience is ripe for commodification, often with users' full knowledge and consent. YouTube advertising strategies are widely used; reportedly, a full-size YouTube banner advertisement can cost $200,000 or more. YouTube provides a place to make money, although not a living wage for most YouTubers, and this possibility and cultural narrative is widely disseminated throughout the Googleverse and YouTube. Similar to broadcast television audiences, YouTube audiences are measured using A. C. Nielsen tools. This company creates and controls the measurement technology used to determine YouTube's monetary value so advertising costs can be institutionalized. YouTube audiences and how they think, behave, and function in YouTube is an important part of YouTube discourse. The scholarly discourse surrounding Audience Studies shines an additional light into what it's like to be a YouTuber.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document