scholarly journals Déclaration de principes sur les droits civils dans le fonctionnarisme

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 598-603
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union

Sommaire Le 13 avril 1959, l'American Civil Liberties Union (170, Fifth Avenue, New York 10. N.Y.) publiait une déclaration de principes sur le droit d'association pour les fonctionnaires, le droit de grève et l'atelier syndical. En voici une traduction.

YouTube

Biometrics ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 1439-1463
Author(s):  
Matthew Crick
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Measurement Technology ◽  
Audience Studies ◽  
Cultural Narrative ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Banner Advertisement ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union ◽  
And Function ◽  
Scholarly Discourse

According to the London Telegraph (Barrett, 2013), Online London has one CCTV camera for every 11 people in Britain. The average number is most likely around five million cameras in total. MSNBC (Timm, 2013) reported in August 2013 that the number of security cameras in the New York City public sector was as many as 6,000. In Chicago in May 2013 (Cox, 2013), the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) reported a “frightening number” of surveillance cameras, with as many as 22,000 citywide, posing what Adam Schwartz of the ACLU called a menace to privacy. The twin concepts of surveillance and power are expressed in unique ways in YouTube. Philosophers such as Michel Foucault have written extensively about these ideas regarding cultural institutions such as prisons and democratic governments. In many ways, YouTube is organized and exhibits similar expressions of who has power and who is watching us. However, YouTube is different; the Internet and YouTube have made citizen surveillance fast, inexpensive, and easy. According to many companies and corporations, including YouTube's parent company Google, consumers are tracked—in fact, each mouse click is tracked—to provide better services and more products and to prepackage demographic and socioeconomic information, which corporations and companies can sell to other for-profit entities. Google and YouTube make this easy with Adsense and Adwords technologies and, like television and film, the YouTube worldwide audience is ripe for commodification, often with users' full knowledge and consent. YouTube advertising strategies are widely used; reportedly, a full-size YouTube banner advertisement can cost $200,000 or more. YouTube provides a place to make money, although not a living wage for most YouTubers, and this possibility and cultural narrative is widely disseminated throughout the Googleverse and YouTube. Similar to broadcast television audiences, YouTube audiences are measured using A. C. Nielsen tools. This company creates and controls the measurement technology used to determine YouTube's monetary value so advertising costs can be institutionalized. YouTube audiences and how they think, behave, and function in YouTube is an important part of YouTube discourse. The scholarly discourse surrounding Audience Studies shines an additional light into what it's like to be a YouTuber.

YouTube

2016 ◽  
pp. 151-175
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Measurement Technology ◽  
Audience Studies ◽  
Cultural Narrative ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Banner Advertisement ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union ◽  
And Function ◽  
Scholarly Discourse

According to the London Telegraph (Barrett, 2013), Online London has one CCTV camera for every 11 people in Britain. The average number is most likely around five million cameras in total. MSNBC (Timm, 2013) reported in August 2013 that the number of security cameras in the New York City public sector was as many as 6,000. In Chicago in May 2013 (Cox, 2013), the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) reported a “frightening number” of surveillance cameras, with as many as 22,000 citywide, posing what Adam Schwartz of the ACLU called a menace to privacy. The twin concepts of surveillance and power are expressed in unique ways in YouTube. Philosophers such as Michel Foucault have written extensively about these ideas regarding cultural institutions such as prisons and democratic governments. In many ways, YouTube is organized and exhibits similar expressions of who has power and who is watching us. However, YouTube is different; the Internet and YouTube have made citizen surveillance fast, inexpensive, and easy. According to many companies and corporations, including YouTube's parent company Google, consumers are tracked—in fact, each mouse click is tracked—to provide better services and more products and to prepackage demographic and socioeconomic information, which corporations and companies can sell to other for-profit entities. Google and YouTube make this easy with Adsense and Adwords technologies and, like television and film, the YouTube worldwide audience is ripe for commodification, often with users' full knowledge and consent. YouTube advertising strategies are widely used; reportedly, a full-size YouTube banner advertisement can cost $200,000 or more. YouTube provides a place to make money, although not a living wage for most YouTubers, and this possibility and cultural narrative is widely disseminated throughout the Googleverse and YouTube. Similar to broadcast television audiences, YouTube audiences are measured using A. C. Nielsen tools. This company creates and controls the measurement technology used to determine YouTube's monetary value so advertising costs can be institutionalized. YouTube audiences and how they think, behave, and function in YouTube is an important part of YouTube discourse. The scholarly discourse surrounding Audience Studies shines an additional light into what it's like to be a YouTuber.

scholarly journals NCOG-42. INITIAL PRESENTATION AND OUTPATIENT VISIT COMPLIANCE OF INMATES WITH BRAIN TUMORS

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. ii138-ii138
Author(s):  
Iyad Alnahhas ◽  
Appaji Rayi ◽  
Yasmeen Rauf ◽  
Shirley Ong ◽  
Pierre Giglio ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Brain Tumors ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Delayed Diagnosis ◽  
Low Grade ◽  
Small Series ◽  
Initial Symptoms ◽  
The Ohio State University ◽  
American Civil Liberties Union ◽  
Lost To Follow Up

Abstract INTRODUCTION While advocacy for inmates with cancer has recently gained momentum, little is known about management of brain tumors in inmates. Delays in acknowledging or recognizing nonspecific initial symptoms can lead to delayed diagnosis and treatment. Inmates with cancer are reported to either be ignored or receive substandard care due in part to cost or logistics (American Civil Liberties Union; ASCO Post 2018). METHODS In this retrospective study, we identified inmates with gliomas seen in the Ohio State University Neuro-oncology Center between 1/1/2010-4/20/2019. RESULTS Twelve patients were identified. Median age at presentation was 39.5 years (range 28-62). Eleven patients were Caucasian and one was African American. Diagnoses included glioblastoma (GBM) (n=6), anaplastic astrocytoma (n=1), anaplastic oligodendroglioma (n=1), low-grade astrocytoma (n=3) and anaplastic pleomorphic xanthroastrocytoma (n=1). Patients were more likely to present early after seizures or focal neurologic deficits (9/12) than after headaches alone. Patients with GBM started RT 12-71 days after surgery (median 34.5). One patient’s post-RT MRI was delayed by a month and another with GBM had treatment held after 4 cycles of adjuvant temozolomide (TMZ) due to “incarceration issues”. For one patient who received adjuvant TMZ, the facility failed to communicate with the primary team throughout treatment. Two patients suffered significant nausea while on chemotherapy due to inability to obtain ondansetron in prison, or due to wrong timing. 7/12 (58%) patients were lost to follow-up for periods of 3-15 months during treatment. Three patients refused adjuvant treatment. CONCLUSIONS Although this is a small series, our results highlight the inequities and challenges faced by inmates with gliomas who are more likely to forego treatments or whose incarceration prevents them from keeping appropriate treatment and follow-up schedules. Additional studies are needed to define and address these deficiencies in the care of inmates with brain tumors and other cancers.

Abortion: Woman's Right and Legal Problem

1971 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Moody
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Change Agents ◽  
Criminal Prosecution ◽  
Legal Problem ◽  
Consultation Service ◽  
Legalize Abortion

Howard Moody is pastor of Judson Memorial Church in New York City and a Director of the New York Civil Liberties Union. In 1967, Moody brought together a small group of clergymen to help counsel women with “problem pregnancies.” Risking public censure and criminal prosecution, the Clergy Consultation Service on Abortion referred thousands of women for safe abortions. In addition, Moody and others formed a coalition to support the passage of a bill to legalize abortion. The New York Legislature passed such a bill in April, 1970, which permits abortions by licensed physicians within the first 24 weeks of pregnancy. On July 1, 1970, the New York Clergy Consultation Service, which had served as a model for other organizations in other states, was disbanded and reconstituted as Clergy and Lay Advocates for Hospital Abortion Performance. The new organization is designed to deal with local restrictions on abortions and the growth of high-priced “abortion brokers.” This article is reprinted from the March 8, 1971 issue of Christianity and Crisis, Copyright © 1971 by Christianity and Crisis, Inc. The article is used with permission and is reprinted not only as a commentary on a controversial issue but as a case-study of the problems involved when clergy and churches take on the role of social and cultural change-agents. It's definitely not easy, but apparently it can be done. Dr. Moody wishes to acknowledge the assistance of his associate, Arlene Carmen.

scholarly journals Turkey’s Hybrid Competitive Authoritarian Regime; A Genuine Product of Anatolia’s Middle Class

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Stelgias
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Hybrid Regime

Few years since the 9/11 Attacks in New York and following its rise to power, the AKP has gradually established a so-­called “competitive authoritarian regime,” in order to consolidate and secure its political power. This regime is hybrid and it is based on liberal principles (absence of tutelary authorities, protection of civil liberties, universal suffrage, free elections etc.). The AKP also provides for a reasonably fair level of political competition between the party in power (government) and the opposition. At the same time, however, the system shows some undemocratic features (violation of civil liberties, unfair elections, and uneven political competition.) This hybrid regime is based on three pillars: the state, the party and a newly emerged middle class in Anatolia. Through this hybrid regime Anatolia’s newly emerged middle class redefines its cultural and socio-­economic relations.

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