The Middle Class (I)

Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 0192513X2110428
Author(s):  
Daria Ukhova

This article is concerned with examining the relation between gender division of unpaid work and class. Drawing on in-depth interviews with middle-class dual earner heterosexual couples conducted in Russia, I show how the gender division of housework and care could be shaped by processes of accountability not only to sex category (“doing gender”) but also to class category (“doing class”). I discuss how my interviewees perceived various gender contracts that have evolved in post-socialist Russia as profoundly classed. I further show how their resulting understandings of middle-class (in)appropriate ways of doing masculinity and femininity influenced the division of work in their families. Men were not only accountable as breadwinners but also as carers; while women, in addition to their caring roles, were accountable for their career and sex appeal. In several couples, this double gender and class accountability underpinned their comparatively more equal—although not necessarily more egalitarian—gender division of housework and care.


1951 ◽  
pp. 189-202
Author(s):  
C. Wright Mills

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-196
Author(s):  
Brandon Byrd
Keyword(s):  

1984 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirja Kalliopuska

A group of 341 parents making up 215 different families were tested during home interviews with Mehrabian and Epstein's emotional empathy scale. Significant differences in empathy were not found between social classes among the mothers, although Class I mothers seemed to be somewhat more empathetic than Class II and III mothers. Significant differences between social classes were noted among the fathers. Fathers of Class II (middle-class) were most empathetic. Results support earlier findings of the positive relationship between empathy and middle-social class only for the fathers but not for the mothers.


Author(s):  
Rachael Kiddey

It was one of those days, typical of England, when you have to work very hard to remember that above the thick, white cloud the sky is always blue. I was cycling up Cheltenham Road, feeling increasingly angry, when I saw a giant advertising hoarding had been erected around a disused car showroom that had, until recently, been a residential squat. It read: ‘New Development, a mix of 1, 2 and 3 bedroom flats. Prices start at just £199,000’. The advert included pictures of smart-looking kitchens, shiny surfaces, and anonymous faces grinning inanely at their fictional bathtubs. I started to cycle harder with each raging thought. I had woken up feeling dismal and my mood had become progressively worse as the day went on. At that time, I worked as a junior programme maker at BBC Radio 4. I had been told in a meeting that I needed to establish a ‘celebrity angle’ on a story that I was working on. It maddened me. What relevance do celebrities have to ordinary people’s lives? This was 2007. The Global Financial Crash was just months away. Back then I resembled a slightly scruffy, more politically engaged Bridget Jones. Single and painfully middle class, I smoked roll-up cigarettes and spent most of my time feeling frustrated that both national and international politics appeared to be moving to the Right while I, and millions of others, protested but got nowhere. Massive peaceful anti-war protests had been ignored by Britain’s ruling elite, and direct action carried increased risk of criminalization. Some saw violence as a resort—albeit the last one—but it was never my style, so instead I just felt increasingly frustrated. I was sick of joining ‘movements’ to quickly become nothing more than a ‘clicktavist’, and was not prepared to turn my back and sink into a state of total apathy. I felt extremely powerless and that made me angry. ‘Rachael!’ I heard someone call my name. It was Jim Dixon, an old friend and fellow graduate of the University of Bristol’s MA in Historical Archaeology.


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