Treasuring Career from Home: The Sustainability of Women Homeworkers and Household Divisions

Women homeworkers in Indonesia also resulted in double role causes women to have double workload, namely the main work that makes money and household chores such as cleaning the house, cooking and so on. This is because women cannot leave their responsibilities in the household, yet they must continue to perform their main work. Accordingly, a discussion addressing the dual burden and mechanism of division of work between men and women in the household is needed. This research was conducted with a descriptive qualitative method aimed to describe a number of issues including how consensus was performed by women homeworkers in carrying out the division of work with men and the efforts of women homeworkers to do the division of work with their husbands in the domestic sphere. The research was conducted in Malang City, East Java, Indonesia with snowball sampling techniques on 37 women. Based on the research results, it was discovered that: 1) the division of work in the public and domestic spheres for women homeworkers was flexible; 2) Men more often did the heavy household chores such as washing and drying clothes, the division of work occurred at certain times such as in the morning; 3) Within the household, the division of work between men and women took place when the woman homeworkers’ main work piled up and could not be abandoned.

Doing Gender with Class: Gender Division of Unpaid Work in Russian Middle-Class Dual Earner Heterosexual Households

This article is concerned with examining the relation between gender division of unpaid work and class. Drawing on in-depth interviews with middle-class dual earner heterosexual couples conducted in Russia, I show how the gender division of housework and care could be shaped by processes of accountability not only to sex category (“doing gender”) but also to class category (“doing class”). I discuss how my interviewees perceived various gender contracts that have evolved in post-socialist Russia as profoundly classed. I further show how their resulting understandings of middle-class (in)appropriate ways of doing masculinity and femininity influenced the division of work in their families. Men were not only accountable as breadwinners but also as carers; while women, in addition to their caring roles, were accountable for their career and sex appeal. In several couples, this double gender and class accountability underpinned their comparatively more equal—although not necessarily more egalitarian—gender division of housework and care.

Treasuring Career from Home: The Sustainability of Women Homeworkers and Household Divisions

Women homeworkers in Indonesia also resulted in double role causes women to have double workload, namely the main work that makes money and household chores such as cleaning the house, cooking and so on. This is because women cannot leave their responsibilities in the household, yet they must continue to perform their main work. Accordingly, a discussion addressing the dual burden and mechanism of division of work between men and women in the household is needed. This research was conducted with a descriptive qualitative method aimed to describe a number of issues including how consensus was performed by women homeworkers in carrying out the division of work with men and the efforts of women homeworkers to do the division of work with their husbands in the domestic sphere. The research was conducted in Malang City, East Java, Indonesia with snowball sampling techniques on 37 women. Based on the research results, it was discovered that: 1) the division of work in the public and domestic spheres for women homeworkers was flexible; 2) Men more often did the heavy household chores such as washing and drying clothes, the division of work occurred at certain times such as in the morning; 3) Within the household, the division of work between men and women took place when the woman homeworkers’ main work piled up and could not be abandoned.

Optimization of Task Allocation for Collaborative Brain–Computer Interface Based on Motor Imagery

ObjectiveCollaborative brain–computer interfaces (cBCIs) can make the BCI output more credible by jointly decoding concurrent brain signals from multiple collaborators. Current cBCI systems usually require all collaborators to execute the same mental tasks (common-work strategy). However, it is still unclear whether the system performance will be improved by assigning different tasks to collaborators (division-of-work strategy) while keeping the total tasks unchanged. Therefore, we studied a task allocation scheme of division-of-work and compared the corresponding classification accuracies with common-work strategy’s.ApproachThis study developed an electroencephalograph (EEG)-based cBCI which had six instructions related to six different motor imagery tasks (MI-cBCI), respectively. For the common-work strategy, all five subjects as a group had the same whole instruction set and they were required to conduct the same instruction at a time. For the division-of-work strategy, every subject’s instruction set was a subset of the whole one and different from each other. However, their union set was equal to the whole set. Based on the number of instructions in a subset, we divided the division-of-work strategy into four types, called “2 Tasks” … “5 Tasks.” To verify the effectiveness of these strategies, we employed EEG data collected from 19 subjects who independently performed six types of MI tasks to conduct the pseudo-online classification of MI-cBCI.Main resultsTaking the number of tasks performed by one collaborator as the horizontal axis (two to six), the classification accuracy curve of MI-cBCI was mountain-like. The curve reached its peak at “4 Tasks,” which means each subset contained four instructions. It outperformed the common-work strategy (“6 Tasks”) in classification accuracy (72.29 ± 4.43 vs. 58.53 ± 4.36%).SignificanceThe results demonstrate that our proposed task allocation strategy effectively enhanced the cBCI classification performance and reduced the individual workload.

I’m More Than a Farmer’s Wife

Women have always contributed to family farming operations; however, their labor was largely positioned as “women’s work” and ignored as contributing to the economics of the farming enterprise. Through examining the stories of farmers’ wives, this essay examined how the gender division of work and the ideology of domesticity silenced women’s contributions to family farming operations. Through oral history interviews and thematic analysis, this research project presents stories from two farmers’ wives (Annie and Belle) from western Illinois. The resultant analysis reveals that Annie and Belle labored on their family farming operations for most of their lives.

De-stereotyping informal sector gendered division of work: a case of Magaba Home Industry, Harare, Zimbabwe

The informal sector is gradually becoming the sole source of income for millions of people around the world. Yet, there exists grossly asymmetric relationships between men and women in accessing functional prerequisites to operate and survive in the industry. Cultural and socially constructed consciousness within the industry, has created gendered division of work. Therefore, this study explored how to de-stereotype gendered division of work in the informal sector, focusing on Magaba Home Industries in Harare, Zimbabwe. This qualitative study concludes that human capital development accompanied with social and financial capital is significant in improving capacities of both women and men in productive informal work. The study recommends an ideological shift from perceived oriented line of work based on gender to mainstreaming equality of achievement based on mobile societies that foster upward social mobility thus bridging the gendered skills gap.

International Standards for CCPs

After the crisis, following the mandatory central clearing of derivatives, CCPs became crucial nodes of the financial system. Thus, new rules to improve their resilience, recovery, and resolution were issued. Initially, the division of work amongst international standard-setting bodies was unclear and international standards on CCPs lacked granularity. Subsequently, the division of work was clarified and relatively more precise, stringent, and consistent rules on CCPs were issued. The US and the UK were pace-setters internationally and partial first-movers domestically. The EU had preferences that were largely aligned with those of the US. Transgovernmental networks operating in international standard-setting bodies deployed formal and informal tools to promote regulatory consistency within the elemental regime on CCPs. Finally, financial interests mobilized in a variety of venues with a view towards shaping the content of the new standards on the basis of expected costs and benefits.