Day Laborers

2021 ◽  
pp. 91-163
Author(s):  
Scott L. Cummings

Day laborers are immigrant men who seek daily employment on street corners, often next to home improvement stores and other venues trafficked by contractors and do-it-yourselfers. The combination of a strong construction market and rising undocumented immigration powered the growth of day labor through the 1990s. Although part of the underground economy, day laborers were some of the most visible immigrant workers, standing on the corners in affluent communities to find jobs. Over the next decade, they became the target of legal backlash, with more than forty cities in the greater L.A. area passing anti-solicitation ordinances making it a crime for day laborers to solicit work from the street corner. This chapter examines the coordinated legal and organizing campaign to challenge these ordinances led by the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) and the National Day Laborer Organizing Network (NDLON). The campaign challenged local jurisdictions in the greater L.A. area that actively enforced anti-solicitation ordinances. The strategy developed by MALDEF and NDLON focused on organizing day laborers at enforcement hotspots into committees that served as plaintiffs in federal court lawsuits claiming that ordinances violated laborers’ First Amendment right to seek work. The campaign thus adopted a libertarian, rather than an anti-discrimination, legal frame. This frame was used to build precedent toward the end goal of invalidating the most aggressive ordinances: those modeled after Redondo Beach’s pioneering 1987 law banning solicitation in any public right-of-way, including sidewalks. The chapter charts the trajectory of this test-case strategy, which culminated in a seminal 2011 federal appellate court decision striking down Redondo Beach’s ordinance and thereby clearing the way for day laborer solicitation in public space regionwide.

Revista Trace ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Luis Roberto Canto Valdés ◽  
Maritel Yanes Pérez ◽  
Dora Elia Ramos Muñoz

Se documenta la nota roja publicada sobre un crimen acontecido en una hacienda henequenera de Tekax, Yucatán, en 1890. Se analiza el manejo que la prensa dio a un homicidio, mientras se explica cómo se construyó el control social en el Yucatán rural, y se exploran las razones por las que el periodismo yucateco se interesó en el suceso. El interés del trabajo es explicar cómo la prensa decimonónica meridana presentó evidencias sobre el homicidio de un jornalero y mostró evidencias de cómo se integró en su nota roja una crítica a las condiciones laborales y al andamiaje legal y de investigación que cimentaban el maltrato de los jornaleros mayas por el personal del hacendado.Abstract: The «red note» published on a crime occurred in a henequen farm of Tekax Yucatan in 1890 is documented. The handling of the press gave homicide is analyzed, while explaining how social control was built in rural Yucatan, and the reasons why Yucatecan journalism was interested in the event. This work explain how the nineteenthcentury press of Merida presented evidence about the murder of a day laborer and showed evidence of how a criticism of working conditions and legal and investigative scaffolding that cemented the mistreatment of day laborers was integrated in their red note Maya by the landowner’s staff.Keywords: social control; social change; journalism; social critic; homicide.Résumé : Il s’agit d’une note rouge publiée à propos d’un crime survenu dans une exploitation d’henequen à Tekax, Yucatan en 1890. Est ainsi analysée la manière dont la presse a rendu compte d’un assassinat, tout en expliquant comment fonctionnait le contrôle social dans le Yucatan rural, et pourquoi le journalisme du Yucatan s’est intéressé à cet évènement. L’intérêt de cet article se trouve dans la manière de rendre compte d’un double processus : la presse de Mérida a présenté les preuves de l’assassinat d’un travailleur journalier, tout en intégrant dans la note rouge une critique des conditions de travail et une analyse de l’échafaudage juridique qui a contribué aux mauvais traitements subis par les journaliers mayas de la part du personnel du grand propriétaire.Mots-clés : contrôle social ; changement social ; journalisme ; critique sociale ; assassinat.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Anna Constable

<p>This thesis aims to investigate, through design, spatial agency within the realm of New York City’s Privately Owned Public Spaces. The notion of agency in architecture is directly linked to social and political power. Starting in 1961, New York’s city planners introduced an incentive zoning scheme (POPS) which encouraged private builders to include public spaces in their developments. Many are in active public use, but others are hard to find, under surveillance, or essentially inaccessible. Within the existing POPS sites, tension is current between the ideals of public space - completely open, accessible - and the limitations imposed by those who create and control it. Designed to be singular, contained, and mono-functional, POPS do not yet allow for newer ideas of public space as multi-functional, not contained/bounded but extending and overlapping outward.  As public-private partnerships become the model for catalyzing urban (re)development in the late 20th century, bonus space is an increasingly common land use type in major cities across the world. The quality and nature of bonus spaces created in exchange for floor area bonuses varies greatly. In many cases, tensions in privately owned space produce a severely constricted definition of the public and public life. Incentive zoning programmes continue to serve as a model for numerous urban zoning regulations, so changing ideas of public space and its design need to be tested in such spaces.  These urban plazas offer a test case through which to examine agency, exploring how social space is also political space, charged with the dynamics of power/ empowerment, interaction/ isolation, control/ freedom. This thesis looks at one such site, the connecting plaza sites along Sixth Avenue between West 47th St and West 51st St. This is an extreme example of concentrated POPS sites in New York City. Here one’s perception and occupation of space is profoundly affected by the underlying design of that space which reflects its private ownership. Privately Owned Public Space can be designed that is capable of/ challenging the notion of the public in public space, and modifying the structure of the city and its social life.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 15-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramon Resendiz ◽  
Rosalva Resendiz ◽  
Irene J. Klaver

The Rio Grande River became a boundary after the Mexican-American War (1846-1848), dividing families and communities living along its banks. In 2005 theusCongress began enacting legislation for the purposes of building a physical fence along theus-Mexico border. As such, this digital media project foregrounds the story of Dr. Tamez, a tribal elder and retired colonel, and her Lipan Apache Band in their fight for social justice, a fight that went to federal court, and spurred an inquiry and report by the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.


2008 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan N. Buchanan ◽  
Anne Evens ◽  
Cile Buckley ◽  
Lee Friedman

2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Camou

Day labor centers have been proposed as a mechanism for curbing the exploitation and abusive conditions faced by immigrant day laborers soliciting work from urban street corners. Transitioning day laborers from street corners to centers is certainly not easy, and it involves active organizing. This article examines efforts to organize day laborers toward a day labor center in Denver, Colorado. The author finds that a key strategic consideration in organizing day laborers toward centers involves questions about the meanings and purposes of day labor centers. In Denver, organizers and day laborers held different notions of what centers should be and should mean, with organizers emphasizing solidarity and collective action and day laborers emphasizing material reward. Strategically, reconciling collectivist and materialist views of day labor centers is an important task of day labor organizing.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document