Mobilized by Injustice

Author(s):  
Hannah L. Walker

Springing from decades of abuse by law enforcement and an excessive criminal justice system, members of over-policed communities lead the current movement for civil rights in the United States. Activated by injustice, individuals protested police brutality in Ferguson, campaigned to end stop-and-frisk in New York City, and advocated for restorative justice in Washington, D.C. Yet, scholars focused on the negative impact of punitive policy on material resources, and trust in government did not predict these pockets of resistance, arguing instead that marginalizing and demeaning policy teaches individuals to acquiesce and withdraw. Mobilized by Injustice excavates conditions under which, despite otherwise negative outcomes, negative criminal justice experiences catalyze political action. This book argues that when understood as resulting from a system that targets people based on race, class, or other group identifiers, contact can politically mobilize. Negative experiences with democratic institutions predicated on equality under the law, when connected to a larger, group-based struggle, can provoke action from anger. Evidence from several surveys and in-depth interviews reveals that mobilization as result of negative criminal justice experiences is broad, crosses racial boundaries, and extends to the loved ones of custodial citizens. When over half of Blacks and Latinos and a plurality of Whites know someone with personal contact, the mobilizing effect of a sense of injustice promises to have important consequences for American politics.

1968 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-427
Author(s):  
Quentin L. Quade

In The issues of the New York Times from February, 1965, to November, 1967, religious leaders and groups are reported 185 times commenting on one political issue: Vietnam. If a comparable search were done on an inclusive list of political topics, such as civil rights, the number of citations would be greatly multiplied. Most of these statements are on substantive issues — the United States should do this, do that — rather than on the theoretical questions about religion's role vis à vis politics. Most of these religious interventions presume some connection between religion and politics, whether articulated or not. A similar examination of some leading religious journals, for example, Chrisianity and Crisis, Commonweal, Christian Century, America, produces similar results: in articles and editorials, such publications are deeply immersed in direct commentary on political problems of our time.


Novum Jus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-89
Author(s):  
Julián Rodríguez ◽  
Andrew M. Clark

This research uses in-depth interviews with three data journalists from the Houston Chronicle and the New York Times in the United States to describe the role of data journalists, and to illustrate how and why they use big data in their stories. Data journalists possess a unique set of skills including being able to find data, gather data, and use that data to tell a compelling story in a written and visually coherent way. Results show that as newspapers move to a digital format the role of a data journalist is becoming more essential as is the importance of laws such as the Freedom of Information Act to enable journalists to request and use data to continue to inform the public and hold those in power accountable. 


Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación

This chapter mentions the publication of the New York Times op-ed that calls for gay reparations in the United States, and it discusses the reactions of social conservatives to the article. It talks about homophobic individuals, who have not accepted homosexuals and gay people as human beings entitled to live their lives and deserving of civil rights, who find gay reparations an abomination. It also refers to televangelist Pat Robertson, who implied that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, were godly retaliation for abortion, homosexuality, and secularism in the United States. This chapter examines distinct arguments against gay reparations, such as the claim that it is wrong for gay rights activists to apply today’s values to acts of discrimination against the gay community that took place a long time ago. It also reviews claims that gay reparations are divisive and generate a new class of American victims.


Author(s):  
David Torstensson

On January 5, 2014—the fiftieth anniversary of President Lyndon Johnson’s launch of the War on Poverty—the New York Times asked a panel of opinion leaders a simple question: “Does the U.S. Need Another War on Poverty?” While the answers varied, all the invited debaters accepted the martial premise of the question—that a war on poverty had been fought and that eliminating poverty was, without a doubt, a “fight,” or a “battle.” Yet the debate over the manner—martial or not—by which the federal government and public policy has dealt with the issue of poverty in the United States is still very much an open-ended one. The evolution and development of the postwar American welfare state is a story not only of a number of “wars,” or individual political initiatives, against poverty, but also about the growth of institutions within and outside government that seek to address, alleviate, and eliminate poverty and its concomitant social ills. It is a complex and at times messy story, interwoven with the wider historical trajectory of this period: civil rights, the rise and fall of a “Cold War consensus,” the emergence of a counterculture, the Vietnam War, the credibility gap, the rise of conservatism, the end of “welfare,” and the emergence of compassionate conservatism. Mirroring the broader organization of the American political system, with a relatively weak center of power and delegated authority and decision-making in fifty states, the welfare model has developed and grown over decades. Policies viewed in one era as unmitigated failures have instead over time evolved and become part of the fabric of the welfare state.


1979 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 504-526 ◽  

Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex in elementary and secondary schools, colleges, and universities. It states: "No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance...." Conflict over the formulation and interpretation of the regulation erupted immediately after the passage of Title IX, and its statutory limits continue to be tested, increasingly in the courts, across the country. This interview explores the effects of Title IX and the controversy surrounding its implementation. Five women, each uniquely involved with the short but volatile history of Title IX, discuss its implications and potential for ensuring a more equitable educational system. The interview participants include The Honorable Shirley Chisholm, Democratic Congresswoman from New York; Mary Jolly, Staff Director and Counsel to the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution chaired by Senator Birch Bayh; Leslie Wolfe, Director of the Women's Educational Equity Act Program, and formerly Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary for Education, who earlier had been Deputy Director of the Women's Rights Program of the Commission on Civil Rights; Cindy Brown, Principal Deputy Director of the Office for Civil Rights in HEW; and Holly Knox, Director of PEER, the Project on Equal Education Rights of the NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund, and former Legislative Specialist in the United States Office of Education.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Punch ◽  
Bob Hoogenboom ◽  
Tom Williamson

In the 1970s the Dutch police developed a paradigm of policing that married ideas from the United States on community-oriented policing to a strongly social and democratic role for the police in society. From the early 1990s there was a gradual shift to the right in Dutch society that was reflected in concerns about crime and safety. The paradigm came under scrutiny. Then Dutch officers began to visit New York in considerable numbers and returned with ideas on ‘zero tolerance’. This ‘tough’ approach to crime reduction appears to conflict with Dutch ‘tolerance’ in criminal justice. The paper argues that there is reluctance to abandon that original paradigm, ambivalence about the new concepts from abroad but, above all, an inability to develop a new, comprehensive paradigm. This may well be true elsewhere and we assume that modern policing needs to be based on a well-thought paradigm on the police role in society.


Author(s):  
Bradley J. Longfield

This chapter traces the history of Presbyterians in the United States and Canada from the turn of the twentieth century to the early twenty-first century. It considers the predecessor denominations to the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) as well as the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church, Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ECO (Covenant Order of Evangelical Presbyterians), Evangelical Presbyterian Church, Orthodox Presbyterian Church, Presbyterian Church in America, and the Presbyterian Church in Canada, among others. It investigates theological, liturgical, missional, and educational developments in these denominations and analyzes conflicts over biblical authority and interpretation, confessionalism, communism, civil rights, sexuality, marriage, ordination, race, and the role of women in the church. The theological movements examined include confessional conservatism, evangelicalism, feminist theology, fundamentalism, liberalism, and neo-orthodoxy. Significant institutions noted include Erskine Seminary, Fuller Theological Seminary, Knox College, Princeton Theological Seminary, Union Theological Seminary in New York, Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, and Westminster Theological Seminary.


Author(s):  
Harold D. Morales

Chapter 1 introduces the history of Islamic Spain and the remembrance of it by the first Latino Muslim group in the United States, la Alianza Islámica, the Islamic Alliance. Although there have been several recorded instances of individual Latinos embracing Islam since the 1920s, no direct historical link exists between Muslims in Spain and Latino Muslims in the United States. Instead, the memory of Islamic Spain has been used to frame Latinos as historically connected to Islam rather than completely foreign to it. Additionally, the Alianza drew from other civil rights organizational models to develop several centers in New York where they worked to propagate Islam, provide social services, and engage in political activism. Additionally, the Alianza experienced marginalization from broader Muslim organizations and sought to develop autonomously from them. Through its unique origin histories and various activities, the Alianza helped to crystalize a first wave of Latino Muslims.


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