Border Policies

The Border ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 45-73
Author(s):  
Martin A. Schain

This chapter examines how border policies have evolved in Europe and the United States. It goes beyond law and deals more broadly with what has been termed “policy output. ” The chapter considers how policies have varied over time and space, and the author argues that in both Europe and the United States immigration policy has increasingly become focused on the border, the reinforcement of border controls, and the link between other aspects of immigration to these controls. The framing of the political problem of immigration—as one of legal entry in the United States, and integration in Europe—has been connected to questions of border control and enforcement. Even as levels of immigration have been stable, or even in decline, policy on the border has become more important. The chapter concludes by dealing with outcomes, which help us to understand the relevance of policy objectives.

The Border ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Martin A. Schain

This chapter analyzes the shift in border policy in the United States. The shift evolved with what was framed as the surge of undocumented immigration after 1980, and the securitization of what had been a circulation of workers from Mexico to and from the United States. The perception of failure of immigration policy emerged not from a widespread reaction to a sense of failed integration, as in Europe, but to the increased political focus on the growth of the population of undocumented immigrants. The progressive reinforcement of the border, particularly after 1992, had the perverse effect of providing an incentive for migrants to remain on the US side in larger numbers than ever before. The growth of the undocumented population weighed on the political process in three ways. First, it fed a growing perception of failure of the adequacy of southern border controls. Second, as the issue of the border became politicized, it began to undermine stable understandings of policy within the policy network on immigration. Third, the border became a growing focus for intra- and interpolitical party conflict, and was accelerated by federal dynamics.


1994 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon F. De Jong ◽  
Marilou C. Legazpi Blair

Although the proportion of legal immigrants to the United States reporting an occupation remained nearly stable from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, there was a decline in the proportion of immigrant workers admitted with professional and technical occupations — a trend that the 1990 Immigration Act seeks to address in this decade. Using 1972 and 1986 United States Immigration and Naturalization Service public use data, this analysis shows that a major explanation for the decline is the recomposition of immigrant worker streams; notably large increases in admissions from Mexico and Central America, South America and the Caribbean vs. Asian workers; and increases in immediate family numerically exempt and sixth preference new arrivals and older workers — all categories with a low proportion of professional and technical workers. Contrary to expectations, immigrants admitted with family preference visas recorded an increase in professional and technical workers, even though the proportion of highly skilled immigrant workers in this admission category is still quite low.


Author(s):  
Leo Zaibert

In spite of some protestations to the contrary, some of the practices that the United States immigration law permits are punitive. They are, moreover, terribly severe. If American citizens were to be treated in the ways in which some noncitizens are treated in the United States, they would be victims of cruel and unusual punishment. The paper seeks to show the implausibility of the euphemistic maneuvers that seek to deny this fact, by appealing to arguments put forth by the United States Supreme Court. In particular, the paper argues that the reasons why the United States Supreme Court considers expatriation to be cruel and unusual punishment apply as well to some instances of deportation.


1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye

Three-and-a-half decades have passed since the energy of the atom was used in warfare. Yet rather than nuclear doom, the world has seen a surprising nuclear stability thus far. Equally remarkable is the fact that over the same period nuclear technology has spread to more than two score nations, yet only a small fraction have chosen to develop nuclear weaponry. A third notable point has been the development of an international nonproliferation regime—a set of rules, norms, and institutions, which haltingly and albeit imperfectly, has discouraged the proliferation of nuclear weapons capability.The wrong policies in the 1980s—i.e., policies that put the United States in an overly rigid position on the nuclear fuel cycle or which lower the priority the United States gives to the issue in security terms—could still sacrifice the current modest success in regime maintenance. Unfortunately, there is no simple solution to the political problem of proliferation. But given the difficulty of constructing international institutions in a world of sovereign states, and the risks attendant upon their collapse, political wisdom begins with efforts to maintain the existing regime with its presumption against proliferation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Herzog

AbstractRogers Brubaker in his 1992 path-breaking study proposes a theory of citizenship as a coherent world view: the French liberal model identifies citizenship as a community based on territoriality; the German ethno-nationalist model bases citizenship on blood-line. Rogers Smith challenged Brubaker and, based on a 1997 study of United States immigration laws, claims that the American concept of citizenship is a non-coherent mix of various principles: liberal, ethno-nationalist and republican at the same time. Both authors inspired a great deal of research, but all studies so far have attempted to adjudicate between the two competing theories by looking at inclusionary practices, at the various ways citizenship is granted in various countries, and their results are inconclusive. This paper reports findings for a study which looked at exclusion. The data on United States laws and legislative debates about the states’ rights to revoke, and citizens’ privilege to renounce, citizenship lends support to Rogers Smith’s arguments regarding inclusion and citizenship, while underlining war as an independent sociological source for the genesis, persistence and dispersion of these bundles or equilibria.


2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bartle ◽  
Sebastian Dellepiane-Avellaneda ◽  
James Stimson

The political ‘centre’ is often discussed in debates about public policy and analyses of party strategies and election outcomes. Yet, to date, there has been little effort to estimate the political centre outside the United States. This article outlines a method of estimating the political centre using public opinion data collected for the period between 1950 and 2005. It is demonstrated that it is possible to measure the centre in Britain, that it moves over time, that it shifts in response to government activity and, furthermore, that it has an observable association with general election outcomes.


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