The Case for Ideal Theory

Author(s):  
Laura Valentini

Theories of international political morality are often criticized for being too ideal. In this chapter, I unpack and examine this “excessive idealism critique.” I distinguish between two versions of it: one targets the use of idealizations in international political theorizing, the other focuses on insensitivity to feasibility constraints. I argue that, in both cases, the excessive idealism critique is only partially successful. While the use of idealizations and lack of attention to feasibility constraints may be contingently problematic, often they are not. I reach this conclusion by discussing the excessive idealism critique in relation to theories of global justice, of global democracy, and of the just war.

Author(s):  
Kok-Chor Tan

The ‘institutional approach’ to justice holds that persons’ responsibility of justice is primarily to support, maintain, and comply with the rules of just institutions. Within the rules of just institutions, so long as their actions do not undermine these background institutions, individuals have no further responsibilities of justice. But what does the institutional approach say in the non-ideal context where just institutions are absent, such as in the global case? One reading of the institutional approach, in this case, is that our duties are primarily to create just institutions, and that when we are doing our part in this respect, we may legitimately pursue other personal or associational ends. This ‘strong’ reading of our institutional duty takes it to be both a necessary and sufficient duty of justice of individuals that they do their part to establish just arrangements. But how plausible is this? On the one hand this requirement seems overly inflexible; on the other it seems overly lax. I clarify the motivation and context of this reading of the institutional duty, and suggest that it need not be as implausible as it seems.


Author(s):  
Amos Golan

In this chapter I provide additional rationalization for using the info-metrics framework. This time the justifications are in terms of the statistical, mathematical, and information-theoretic properties of the formalism. Specifically, in this chapter I discuss optimality, statistical and computational efficiency, sufficiency, the concentration theorem, the conditional limit theorem, and the concept of information compression. These properties, together with the other properties and measures developed in earlier chapters, provide logical, mathematical, and statistical justifications for employing the info-metrics framework.


1987 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Watson

Hedley Bull's contribution to the theory of international relations is considerable; and nowhere more acute than in the distinction which he made between the concept of a system of states and that of an international society. His definitive formulation is set out in Chapter I of The Anarchical Society. ‘Where states are in regular contact with one another, and where in addition there is interaction between them sufficient to make the behaviour of each a necessary element in the calculations of the other, then we may speak of their forming a system.’ ‘A society of states (or international society) exists when a group of states, conscious of certain common interests and common values, form a society in the sense that they conceive themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in their relations with one another, and share in the working of common institutions.’


Author(s):  
Sumedha CHOUDHURY

Abstract Radhabinod Pal, a judge at the Tokyo Tribunal, wrote a dissenting opinion absolving all the accused Japanese of the alleged crimes. In so doing, he advanced several conceptual and theoretical arguments to support his opinion. This paper focuses on the opinion of Pal concerning non-retroactivity of law, global democracy, imperialism, and victor's justice. The paper analyses his opinion in the light of contemporary developments and argues that his criticisms of the international criminal law regime and global justice are still relevant.


Author(s):  
Anna D. Bertova ◽  

Prominent Japanese economist, specialist in colonial politics, a professor of Im­perial Tokyo University, Yanaihara Tadao (1893‒1961) was one of a few people who dared to oppose the aggressive policy of Japanese government before and during the Second World War. He developed his own view of patriotism and na­tionalism, regarding as a true patriot a person who wished for the moral develop­ment of his or her country and fought the injustice. In the years leading up to the war he stated the necessity of pacifism, calling every war evil in the ultimate, divine sense, developing at the same time the concept of the «just war» (gisen­ron), which can be considered good seen from the point of view of this, imper­fect life. Yanaihara’s theory of pacifism is, on one hand, the continuation of the one proposed by his spiritual teacher, the founder of the Non-Church movement, Uchimura Kanzo (1861‒1930); one the other hand, being a person of different historical period, directly witnessing the boundless spread of Japanese militarism and enormous hardships brought by the war, Yanaihara introduced a number of corrections to the idealistic theory of his teacher and proposed quite a specific explanation of the international situation and the state of affairs in Japan. Yanai­hara’s philosophical concepts influenced greatly both his contemporaries and successors of the pacifist ideas in postwar Japan, and contributed to the dis­cussion about interrelations of pacifism and patriotism, and also patriotism and religion.


1970 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 4-20

The national accounts now published for the fourth quarter of 1969 confirm the estimate given in February's Review that output then was moving ahead a little faster, accelerating the recovery which had followed the first quarter's temporary drop in activity. Each of the three available GDP measures agrees in indicating this movement, although as usual, there is some difference as to the exact amount. As expected, the momentum of export growth slackened, but not by as much as anticipated; on the other hand imports proved to have risen quite strongly against our assumption of some fall and the level of investment proved rather lower than expected. However, perhaps the most important unexpected development indicated by the accounts for the fourth quarter of last year was the strong recovery of stockbuilding.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (15) ◽  
pp. 97-113
Author(s):  
Yovita Sabarina Sitepu ◽  
Hendra Harahap ◽  
Februati Trimurni

Hoax and digitalization have become a threat to global democracy. During this pandemic, WhatsApp in collaboration with the Ministry of Communication and Informatics (Kominfo) has been successfully taken down 1, 759 hoaxes spreading on social media. Thus hoax content is circulating from January 23 to October 18, 2020. This study examines the literacy capability of social media users in Medan City in facing misinformation (Hoax). The purpose of this study is to describe the knowledge of social media users in Medan City regarding hoaxes; describing the process of spreading hoaxes among social media users in Medan City, as well as to identify the types of hoaxes mostly received and spread by social media users. The quantitative descriptive method is used in this study The samples of this study amount to 250 respondents selected in the accidental method. The results obtained from the aforementioned respondents show that respondents agreed that hoax is ‘a deliberate fake news. They stated that they had not been forwarding ‘splashy news’ that they received and do fact-check. On the other hand, when asked about why the ‘splashy news’ was forwarded, the respondents reasoned that they received the news from someone they trusted. In addition, the respondents each stated that they thought the news was useful as they believed the news to be true. The types of hoaxes most frequently received include lucky draws, socio-politics, governance, and health.


2011 ◽  
Vol 37 (9) ◽  
pp. 999-1010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ignaas Devisch

French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy is acting uneasily when it comes to contemporary politics. There is a sort of agitation in his work in relation to this question. At several places we read an appeal to deal thoroughly with this question and ‘ qu’il y a un travail à faire’, that there is still work to do. From the beginning of the 1980s with the ‘Centre de Recherches Philosophiques sur le Politique’ and the two books resulting out of that, until the many, rather short texts he published on this topic during the last years of the century, the question of politics crosses very clearly Nancy’s work. He not only fulminates against the contemporary philosophical ‘content’ with democracy. Instead of defending a political regime, he wants to think the form of politics in the most critical and sceptical way. To Nancy, the worst thing we can do in thinking contemporary politics, is taking it for granted that we know what politics is about today, given the evidence of the global democracy. So to him, we almost have to be at unease when it comes to politics. On the other hand, in thinking contemporary democracy, the work of Claude Lefort is undeniably the main reference. Long before the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the upsurge of an all-too-easy anti-Marxism, Lefort articulated in a nuanced way the formal differences between totalitarianism and democracy. According to Lefort, the specific ‘form’ of democracy is that it never becomes an accomplished and fulfilled form as such. In a certain sense, the only ‘form’ of democracy is formlessness, a form without form. In a democracy, the place of power becomes literally ‘ infigurable’ as Lefort says. Democracy stands for formlessness or the relation to a void. Nancy objects so to say against a ‘Leformal’ conception of democracy – the empty place, the formless, the ‘ infigurable’ or ‘ sans figure’, the ever yet to come. … This conception of democracy would still be caught in the infinite metaphysical, dialectical horizon of immanentism, while it pretends to have already left that horizon behind it, presenting itself as the finite alternative to the infinite totalitarian politics. Democracy as formlessness is indeed no longer based on a metaphysical Idea, Figure, or Truth. We want to clear up the philosophical sky of Nancy’s remarks by confronting them with some thoughts of Lefort.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 41-54
Author(s):  
Łukasz Mirocha

Global justice and the problem of immigrationModern legal philosophy provides us with two main types of global justice theories. Distributive or egali­tarian theories claim that justice requires striving to achieve the global equality from us not only in legal but also economic dimension. On the other hand, there are many theories focusing on providing and keeping only „minimal standard” i.e. human rights and questioning the global equality as an ideal. In the article I investigate which type of theories describes contemporary international relations in the most accurate way claiming that „minimal standard” theory does it and I also wonder which type is more legitimate. In my opinion, considerations devoted to the question of global justice give us a well-established background for further studies on immigration policy, especially in the context of recent EU frontiers incidents.


2017 ◽  
pp. 71-104
Author(s):  
Gian Maria Annovi

Chapter Three discusses the conditions for the strategic branding of Pasolini’s authorship in the Italian media during the 60s, and his attitude to celebrity culture. In this chapter, I consider the idea of performing authorship in the terms of self-fictionalization and masquerade. In particular, in his short film La ricotta (The Ricotta, 1964), which represents the first example of the spectacularization of Pasolini’s authorship, he projects his authorial self onto the figure of American star director Orson Welles. An outsider of the studio system, Welles furnishes Pasolini a model for an auteur who persistently seeks out a performative mode, putting himself in play as the author alongside the other characters. At the same time, through the figure of this star director, Pasolini also expresses his uncompromising attitude toward celebrity culture and culture industry. In La rabbia (The Rage, 1963)—created through montages of unused film footage from a film archive—Pasolini uses another international star, Marilyn Monroe, to stage his ambivalence towards the role of his own representation in the media. For Pasolini, Monroe’s death becomes a tragic, symbolic form of subjective resistance and a protest against the conformist system of celebrity that they both confronted.


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