1325 + 17 = ?

Author(s):  
Kimberly Theidon

This chapter focuses on the absence of certain marginal groups from the United Nations’ Women, Peace, and Security Agenda and suggests correctives to those exclusions. The chapter discusses how men and boys as victims of sexual and gender-based violence have been erased in this agenda, and the consequences of this erasure. It challenges the assumptions of militarized masculinity as a uniformly shared identity among conflict-engaged men. It also looks at the outcome of pregnancies resulting from wartime rape and shows how children born of rape are presented and treated in their communities. The chapter draws on research conducted in Peru and Colombia and shows the necessity of understanding both the perpetration and experience of violence in nuanced ways.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 44-47
Author(s):  
Eileen Alma

In the last two years, ethnically motivated sexual and gender-based violence rose in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a country marked with ethnic-based tensions and conflict over the control of its extractive industries over decades. According to the 2018 Report of the United Nations Secretary General to the United Nations, sexualized violence cases emerged and spread in several provinces in 2017 with at least 804 cases of conflict-related sexual violence in this period, affecting 507 women, 265 girls, 30 men and 2 boys. Despite progress by the international community actors to end these abhorrent practices, this marks a significant increase from the previous year and the delay in national elections has exacerbated conflict. Both non-state actors and state actors are identified perpetrators of sexual violence, including the Congolese National Police.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-328
Author(s):  
Catherine O’Rourke

AbstractThe gendered implications of COVID-19, in particular in terms of gender-based violence and the gendered division of care work, have secured some prominence, and ignited discussion about prospects for a ‘feminist recovery’. In international law terms, feminist calls for a response to the pandemic have privileged the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), conditioned—I argue—by two decades of the pursuit of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda through the UNSC. The deficiencies of the UNSC response, as characterised by the Resolution 2532 adopted to address the pandemic, manifest yet again the identified deficiencies of the WPS agenda at the UNSC, namely fragmentation, securitisation, efficacy and legitimacy. What Resolution 2532 does bring, however, is new clarity about the underlying reasons for the repeated and enduring nature of these deficiencies at the UNSC. Specifically, the COVID-19 ‘crisis’ is powerful in exposing the deficiencies of the crisis framework in which the UNSC operates. My reflections draw on insights from Hilary Charlesworth’s seminal contribution ‘International Law: A Discipline of Crisis’ to argue that, instead of conceding the ‘crisis’ framework to the pandemic by prioritising the UNSC, a ‘feminist recovery’ must instead follow Charlesworth’s exhortation to refocus on an international law of the everyday.


Author(s):  
Chantal de Jonge Oudraat

UN Security Council Resolution 1325 recognized the critical roles women can and must play in advancing international peace and security. The WPS agenda, however, has focused largely on the protection of women in conflict, in particular from sexual and gender-based violence. In doing so, the substantive participation of women in peace and security remains significantly underexplored. This chapter suggests that the lack of progress on the WPS agenda is due to the perception that it is a women’s agenda, as opposed to one that seeks to advance gender equality and security. Moreover, this chapter reveals the challenges associated with the disparate nature of the WPS and security communities. In response, this chapter suggests that for the WPS agenda to advance, the community needs to emphasize that this is not only a women’s agenda. Specifically, the dialogue needs to be reframed to acknowledge that a focus on women is necessary, but not sufficient.


Author(s):  
Jacqui True

Why is VAWG a threat to international peace and security? Gender-based violence against women, girls, men, boys, and gender-diverse groups invokes conflict and fuels acts of revenge, perpetuating cycles of violence. As conflicts flow over borders and/or draw in the militaries of other states...


Author(s):  
Burcu Ozturk ◽  
Asli Cennet Yalim ◽  
Sinem Toraman

People around the world are moving from their home countries to other destinations to find safety for various reasons such as war, poverty, and violence. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 70.8 million people had been forced to move from their home countries by the end of 2018 and half of the world's displaced population is women. This chapter explores the challenges that refugee and asylum-seeker women experience, including mental health issues and sexual and gender-based violence. The authors systematically reviewed relevant studies that have been published in peer-reviewed journals that were from January 2000 through January 2020. Six articles met the inclusion criteria. The authors critically explored and analyzed these six articles, and the findings were discussed under the subjects of mental health and gender-based issues. Finally, recommendations were made to determine future directions for practice, policy, and research.


2020 ◽  
pp. 239-296
Author(s):  
Joana Cook

This chapter is one of three which examines a key U.S. department or agency which played a fundamental role in an 'all-of-government' approach to countering terrorism. The US Department of State is the designated lead agency on all foreign policy matters. This chapter looks at democracy promotion in the GWOT and the rights and empowerment of women to challenge extremism. It highlights increasing efforts in State to consider and integrate women into its counterterrorism strategy, and broader initiatives such as the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, and the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security. It highlights the growth CVE initiatives, as well as how State had to increasingly respond to sexual and gender-based violence committed by terrorist groups. Finally it considers how key discourses emphasized in State around women's rights and victimhood were also being utilized by terrorist groups.


Author(s):  
Jasmin Nario-Galace

Gun proliferation and violence is an issue of concern in the Philippines. Rape and other forms of sexual and gender-based violence often occur at gunpoint. This chapter explores the benefits of linking arms control and the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agendas. Drawing on data sourced from the author’s experience in formulating and implementing the NAP, this chapter suggests that integrating arms control in the National Action Plan (NAP) on WPS helps strengthen lobbying for engendered arms-related policies. Moreover, it argues that acknowledging the importance of arms control in the NAP secures resources and enables women in armed conflict areas to share knowledge on issues such as conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Finally, this chapter concludes that linking arms control and WPS agendas creates a dialogue between women and gun wielders in areas with high rates of gun violence and revitalizes the call to peace negotiators to integrate arms control in peace agreements.


Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Álvarez García

Resumen: Expone el autor las vicisitudes de la elaboración del nuevo Código Penal de Honduras de 2018, particularmente en referencia a violencia de género y aborto, y subraya especialmente cómo la desgraciada intervención de funcionarias del Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas y de ONU-Mujeres, carentes de suficiente formación en la materia pero sobradas de soberbia, ha impedido que en Honduras se aprobara una legislación progresista y adecuada en estas materias.Palabras clave: Naciones Unidas, Honduras, aborto, violencia de género, soberbia, ignorancia, femicidios, Código Penal, Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas, ONU-Mujeres, ACNUDH, Congreso Nacional de Honduras.Abstract: The author exposes the vicissitudes in the drafting of the new Honduras Criminal Code, particularly in reference to gender violence and abortion, and specially emphasizes how the unfortunate intervention of the officials of the United Nations High Commissioner and UN-Women, who lack sufficient training in the subject but plenty of arrogance, has prevented Honduras the adoption of progressive and adequate legislation in these mattersKeywords: United Nations, Honduras, abortion, gender violence, arrogance, ignorance, femicides, Criminal Code, United Nations High Commissioner, UN-Women, OHCHR, National Congress of Honduras.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-112

This sample of photos from 16 August–15 November 2019 aims to convey a sense of Palestinian life during this quarter. The images capture Palestinians across the diaspora as they fight to exercise their rights: to run for office, to vote, and to protest both Israeli occupation and gender-based violence.


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