The Microfoundations of Bureaucratic Outcomes: Causes and Consequences of Interpretive Disjuncture in Eviction Cases

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Nelson

Abstract Eviction transforms landlords into plaintiffs and tenants into defendants, reframing expansive histories of housing trouble into legal problems. Researchers note high rates of default judgments against tenants, a majority of tenants without attorneys, and a disconnect between the ways that landlords and tenants understand cases. This study reveals the micro-foundations of case outcomes by explaining causes and consequences of “interpretive disjuncture.” How does interpretive disjuncture shape case trajectories and outcomes as housing trouble transforms into an eviction lawsuit? Drawing on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in tenants’ rights clinics in Los Angeles County, I follow tenants’ cases back to their roots and explain how both everyday and institutional challenges shape tenants’ interpretive processes as they navigate eviction.

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 865-887
Author(s):  
Matías Fernández

How does one make sense of a group of migrant men who spend much of their time together over several years, share a space as well as a social position, and behave in some respects like close friends, yet do not develop stable relationships of solidarity and collective forms of self-perception? What are the micro-foundations of these precarious communities? Drawing upon eight months of ethnographic fieldwork at three day labor sites in Los Angeles, this article explores three interlocking processes that sustain one of the most radical forms of marginality in contemporary the United States. It analyzes the economic, political, and cultural dispossession of day laborers through (1) market competition, (2) the embodiment of an undocumented status, and (3) the internalization of cultural exclusion. These individualizing mechanisms are argued to truncate basic forms of mutual solidarity, producing and reproducing the precarious communities of day laborers.


2014 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 56-63
Author(s):  
Josh Sides

In 1916, Cornelius Birket Johnson, a Los Angeles fruit farmer, killed the last known grizzly bear in Southern California and the second-to last confirmed grizzly bear in the entire state of California. Johnson was neither a sportsman nor a glory hound; he simply hunted down the animal that had been trampling through his orchard for three nights in a row, feasting on his grape harvest and leaving big enough tracks to make him worry for the safety of his wife and two young daughters. That Johnson’s quarry was a grizzly bear made his pastoral life in Big Tujunga Canyon suddenly very complicated. It also precipitated a quagmire involving a violent Scottish taxidermist, a noted California zoologist, Los Angeles museum administrators, and the pioneering mammalogist and Smithsonian curator Clinton Hart Merriam. As Frank S. Daggett, the founding director of the Los Angeles County Museum of History, Science and Art, wrote in the midst of the controversy: “I do not recollect ever meeting a case where scientists, crooks, and laymen were so inextricably mingled.” The extermination of a species, it turned out, could bring out the worst in people.


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (39) ◽  
pp. 1123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Kamali ◽  
Chhandasi P. Bagchi ◽  
Emmanuel Mendoza ◽  
Dulmini Wilson ◽  
Benjamin Schwartz ◽  
...  

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