Sturgeon, Rt Hon. Nicola, (born 19 July 1970), PC 2014; Member (SNP) Glasgow Southside, Scottish Parliament, since 2011 (Glasgow, 1999–2007, Glasgow Govan, 2007–11); First Minister, since 2014 (Deputy First Minister, 2007–14); Leader, Scottish National Party, since 2014
Subject
Scottish independence drive.
Significance
Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon launched a fresh independence drive on April 28. Speaking at the spring conference of her Scottish National Party (SNP) in Edinburgh, she said it was “Scotland’s intent to stay part of the European family of nations”. The conference saw delegates back plans for an independent Scottish currency, the declaration of a climate emergency and the establishment of a non-party Citizens’ Assembly to generate debate about Scotland’s future.
Impacts
The SNP’s anti-Brexit stance and efforts to help EU citizens will bolster migrant communities’ support for both the party and independence.
A major non-party, grassroots march in Glasgow on May 4 kicked off a new programme of demonstrations to raise independence support.
The 20-year anniversary of the opening of the Scottish Parliament in July will drive further debate and reflection on Scotland’s future.
Unionist parties will focus increasingly on the single issue of rejecting independence to galvanise their support.
AS ELECTION DAY APPROACHED IT SEEMED CERTAIN THAT LABOUR would come out on top and the Scottish National Party (SNP) would come second. Thanks to the new German-style electoral system it also seemed certain that Labour could not win an overall majority in the new Scottish Parliament and that the Conservatives would get some parliamentary representation however low their vote. But each of the parties had hopes and ambitions as well as expectations. Labour hoped to get over 60 seats in the new parliament of 129, enough at least to have the option of forming a minority government. The SNP hoped to get well over 40 seats, enough to let it assume the undisputed role of the opposition, and to mark a further step along the road to independence. The Liberal Democrats hoped to be more than a small but useful coalition partner in the new parliament. Out in the country they hoped the new electoral system would end the traditional handicap of a Liberal Democrat vote being dismissed as a ‘wasted vote’ and so let their votes rise to equal their underlying level of popular support. ‘Other’ parties and candidates hoped that the new electoral system and the new inclusive politics would somehow include them.
For the first time in the national historiography, various aspects of the internal political struggle in Scotland regarding its political status in 2007–2011 are considered. The key actors in this struggle are identified, the forms and tools used by various political forces to realise their goals are highlighted, and the issue of the Scottish National Party as a government party is explored. The activity of two organisations – «National Conversation» and the Calman Commission, created at the initiative of two opposing camps of Scottish politics, is analysed. It is noted that as a result of their work, the discussion about the political future of the region was brought to a qualitatively new level, and all the main political forces in the region recognised the need to expand the powers of the Scottish Parliament.
Subject
The Scottish Referendums Bill.
Significance
The persistent risk of no-deal Brexit is strengthening the case for Scottish independence; now a majority of Scots want independence within two years, according to recent polls. If the Scottish Parliament passes the Referendums Bill, it could grant Scottish ministers the power to call a new independence referendum.
Impacts
Labour’s lack of clarity on a Scottish independence referendum could boost support for other pro-unionist parties in Scotland.
A UK election before Brexit, with the threat of no deal remaining, will play into the hands of the ruling Scottish National Party (SNP).
The push towards independence will likely be strongly influenced by the impact of Brexit, which is currently unpredictable.
Abstract
This article presents an original account of the tactical options available to political parties in multi-level settings. It applies that framework to the case of post-devolution Scotland via an analysis of First Minister’s Questions sessions in the Scottish Parliament. It shows how Scottish Labour adopted a less left-leaning justification for its stance on the constitutional issue in the years after the party lost power at Holyrood to the Scottish National Party. Consequently, the party failed to present itself as a clearly left of centre alternative to the SNP and downplayed the progressive case for Scotland remaining in the UK.
Events during the period under consideration were overshadowed by the result of the General Election in May, in which the Conservatives secured an overall majority and the Scottish National Party won 56 of the 59 seats in Scotland. What this will mean for issues of particular concern to readers of this Journal is unclear: but at the very least, there is already pressure for devolution of powers to the Scottish Parliament over and above those in the agreed package put forward by the all-party commission under the chairmanship of Lord Smith of Kelvin. The Scotland Bill was introduced into the Commons on 28 May and is likely to be a matter of some controversy.
Internal political struggle in Scotland on the issue of the region status in 2007–2011