scholarly journals A further account of Mr. Boyle's experimental history of cold

1665 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-52

In the fifth papers of the Philosophical transactions, some promise was made of a fuller account, to be given by the next of the Experimental history of cold, composed by the honourable Mr Robert Boyle; it being then supposed, that this history would have been altogether printed off at the time of publishing the second papers of these transactions;

1685 ◽  
Vol 15 (172) ◽  
pp. 1063-1066

The Author divides this Tract into six Sections; the first where of is only introductory, wherein he telIs us that although the best warrant we can have for the use of any of these waters, is the long and sufficient Experience of their good and bad effects, yet since the advice of Physicians to their patients in this case is a thing of so great consequence, the circumstances so many and so necessary to he considered, and since the Cnriosity of men hath been little greater, then to inquire only what Colour the Mineral water will strike with Galls or Oaken leaves, and what Kind and Quantity of Salt will remain after evaporation ; upon these and such like considerations our Honourable Author hath thought fit to communicate these his Memoirs in order to a more full and Methodicall History of Mineral waters ; to the drawing up of which, he thinks these 3 following Observations necessary.


1665 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-9 ◽  

There is in the press, a new treatise, entituled, new observations and experiments in order to an experimental of cold, begun by that noble philosopher, Mr. Robert Boyle and in great part already printed;


1665 ◽  
Vol 1 (18) ◽  
pp. 315-316 ◽  

The publisher of these tracts, knowing that the Honorable Robert Boyle had not left unconsidered the natural history of the sea, of which subject the late, and these present papers, have entertained the reader as to the observables of its flux and reflux; He was on this occasion instant, with that gentleman to impart to him, for publication, these heads of inquiries, he had drawn up, touching that subject: which having obtained (though the author desires, they may be lookt upon as unfinisht) he thus subjoyns.


John Locke and Robert Boyle first met at some time before May 1660 but do not seem to have become closely acquainted until 1664 when they were both in Oxford. 1 Locke’s notebooks for 1664-67 contain many short entries ending ‘Mr.Boyle’, which appear to be details that Locke received from Boyle personally. 2 In his work, Boyle relied on various assistants, quite apart from craftsmen like glass-blowers and blacksmiths, who ranged from his amanuensis, needed because of his poor sight, and his servants who watched experiments through the night, to skilled collaborators like Robert Hooke. 3 In addition, Boyle was in touch with independent workers, notably Richard Lower whose name appears in Locke’s notebooks some time before Boyle’s; 4 and Dewhurst suggested that Locke was also a member of this group. 5 It is certainly true that Locke provided Boyle with barometric and meteorological readings about this time and that 21 of his headings for the ‘chymicall Analysis’ of blood are related to Boyle’s 46 headings in his Memoirs for the Natural History of Human Blood (1683/4). 6 But it is going too far to conclude from Locke’s practical notes on blood that he was then acting as Boyle’s assistant. Those notes come from Bodleian MS. Locke f.25. What they describe are not ‘experiments’ done by Locke, Boyle or anyone else. They are a record of the practical work Locke did when he attended a course of lectures in 1666 which were given by Peter Stahl, the German chemist brought by Boyle to Oxford in 1659.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFFREY CANTOR

When Michael Hunter first publicized the idea of ‘Psychoanalysing Robert Boyle’ I understood that his main aim was to test three competing psychoanalytical theories against the historical evidence provided by the life and work of Robert Boyle. Although this would have been a valuable exercise, and one that the British Society for the History of Science meeting partly engaged, the papers by Brett Kahr, John Clay and Karl Figlio published here raise some far more compelling issues which I shall explore in the ensuing discussion. Before turning to this discussion I offer a few introductory remarks.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-163
Author(s):  
Barry Murnane ◽  
Cathal T. Gallagher ◽  
Noel Snell ◽  
Mark Sanders ◽  
Ramin Moshksar ◽  
...  

2007 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel Malcolm

AbstractIn the period 1658-67 there were two separate projects to produce a Turkish translation of the Bible. The first, promoted by Comenius in Holland and funded by his patron de Geer, used the services of Levinus Warner in Constantinople; Warner commissioned translations from two dragomans in that city. The second, promoted and partly funded by Robert Boyle, was undertaken by William Seaman in London. Attempts were made (through Henry Oldenburg) to coordinate the two projects, allotting the Old Testament to the former and the New to the latter; but there was little practical cooperation. Seaman's New Testament was published in 1666, but the Dutch-commissioned translation would remain in manuscript for more than 150 years. This article analyses the history of these twin projects and the difficulties that beset them — of which the greatest was the lack of sufficient linguistic expertise.


1775 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 167-193

Although the practice of keeping meteorological journals is, of late years, become very general, no information of any importance hath yet been derived from it. The reason of which perhaps may be, that after great pains and attention bestowed in registering particulars, as they occur, with a scrupulous minuteness, observers have not taken the trouble to form, at proper intervals of time, compendious abstracts of their records, exhibiting the general result of their observations in each distinct branch of meteorology, The following tables are given as an example of the method that may be taken in future to remedy this neglect. With the general state of the barometer and thermometer, already given at the end of the meteorological journal, they form a history of the weather at London during the last year. If the example were to be followed, in different parts of the kingdom, we might in time be furnished with an experimental history of the weather of our island.


The demand and search for the scientific literature of the past has grown enormously in the last twenty years. In an age as conscious as ours of the significance of science to mankind, some scientists naturally turned their thoughts to the origins of science as we know it, how scientific theories grew and how discoveries were made. Both institutions and individual scientists partake in these interests and form collections of books necessary for their study. How did their predecessors fare in this respect? They, of course, formed their libraries at a time when books were easy to find—and cheap. But what did they select for their particular reading? For example, what did the libraries of the three greatest scientists of the seventeenth century, Sir Isaac Newton, Robert Hooke and Robert Boyle, look like? Fortunately in the case of Newton, the history of his books is now fairly clear, thanks to the devoted labours of Colonel R . de Villamil (i), but it is a sad reflection on our attitude to our great intellectual leaders that this library o f the greatest English scientist, whose work changed the world for hundreds of years, was not taken care of, was, in fact, forgotten and at times entirely neglected.


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