Reconsidering Rightward Scrambling: Postverbal Constituents in Hindi-Urdu

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Manetta

In the most recent account of rightward displacement in Hindi-Urdu, Bhatt and Dayal (2007) claim that all postverbal constituents are derived via rightward movement of a remnant VP. In this article, I argue that the remnant-VP approach does not allow us to make distinctions between the positioning requirements of DPs and CPs. I propose an account of rightward scrambling (following Mahajan 1988 ) that captures the correlation in Hindi-Urdu between scope and linear order, and I claim that finite complement CPs do not undergo scrambling, but are instead obligatorily aligned to the right edge of their containing clause at the level of PF.

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuji Takano

Since the emergence of Kayne's (1994) stimulating proposal for an antisymmetric theory of phrase structure and linear order, much work has been devoted to arguing for or against his theory as well as discussing its empirical predictions. As a result, for a number of phenomena involving rightward positioning, such as rightward adjuncts, heavy NP shift, extraposition, postverbal subjects, and postverbal constituents in OV languages, there now exist both an approach consistent with Kayne's theory (the antisymmetric approach) and another not consistent with it (the symmetric approach). In such a situation, it is often difficult to show on empirical grounds that one approach is superior to the other (see Rochemont and Culicover 1997). In what follows, I describe this situation with respect to two well-known phenomena in English: rightward positioning of adjuncts and heavy NP shift. For each of these phenomena, the symmetric and antisymmetric approaches have been proposed, and both approaches can correctly account for the data discussed in previous studies. Here, I examine the approaches from a novel point of view, showing that data involving the licensing of negative polarity items allow us to differentiate them and to decide which is the right one for each of the two empirical domains. Interestingly, the relevant facts lead to different conclusions for the two phenomena. The results have important implications for the antisymmetric view of syntax.


2011 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 561-574
Author(s):  
Itay Neeman

AbstractJullien's indecomposability theorem (INDEC) states that if a scattered countable linear order is indecomposable, then it is either indecomposable to the left, or indecomposable to the right. The theorem was shown by Montalbán to be a theorem of hyperarithmetic analysis, and then, in the base system RCA0 plus induction, it was shown by Neeman to have strength strictly between weak choice and comprehension. We prove in this paper that induction is needed for the reversal of INDEC. that is for the proof that INDEC implies weak choice. This is in contrast with the typical situation in reverse mathematics, where reversals can usually be refined to use only induction.


2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajesh Bhatt ◽  
Veneeta Dayal

Mahajan (1997) and Simpson and Bhattacharya (2003) analyze Indo-Aryan languages such as Hindi-Urdu and Bangla as SVO. We argue against this position, drawing on rightward scrambling in Hindi-Urdu to make this point. We propose an account of the phenomenon in terms of rightward remnant-VP movement. This account differs from proposals that posit rightward movement of individual arguments as well as from the antisymmetric proposals mentioned above, which treat rightward scrambling as argument stranding. Our rightward remnant movement analysis better captures two empirical properties of rightward scrambling that remain elusive in the other accounts: the correlation between linear order and scope, and restricted scope for rightward- scrambled wh-expressions.


2008 ◽  
Vol 08 (01) ◽  
pp. 93-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
ITAY NEEMAN

Jullien's indecomposability theorem states that if a scattered countable linear order is indecomposable, then it is either indecomposable to the left, or indecomposable to the right. The theorem was shown by Montalbán to be a theorem of hyperarithmetic analysis. We identify the strength of the theorem relative to standard reverse mathematics markers. We show that it lies strictly between weak [Formula: see text] choice and [Formula: see text] comprehension.


1995 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 947-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gianpaolo Basso ◽  
Paolo Nichelli

This study explored whether preparing an arm movement influences detection of a visual stimulus We cued subjects to respond with either a rightward or a leftward movement to the appearance of a stimulus located either in the centre, in the left, or in the right visual field. Programming a movement toward a lateral direction enhanced visual attention at that side. Rightward movements were associated with an attentional cost only for responses to a central location, while leftward movements slowed response latencies to both central and right-sided stimuli. We hypothesized that programming a rightward movement depends on the activation of intentional centers in either cerebral hemisphere. On the contrary, leftward movements might be only driven by the contralateral hemisphere.


2001 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
HIDEKAZU TANAKA

The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics with scrambling, but nonetheless cannot be identified as rightward scrambling. The proposed solution to this apparent contradiction is that there is no direct syntactic movement of the right-dislocated phrase. Rather, the right-dislocated phrase is a remnant of an extra clause which is deleted (or sluiced) after scrambling. It is therefore concluded that RD involves leftward movement (scrambling) and that its rightward effect is only apparent. The proposed analysis is supported by a number of facts that have not previously been reported, including the distribution of adverbs, pronominal coreference, anaphor binding, idiom interpretations and wh-questions. The proposed analysis is also consistent with Kayne’s (1994) proposal that there are no rightward movement processes in syntax.


2001 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-99
Author(s):  
David Odden

Numerous Bantu languages have processes of rightward shift or spread of H tone. Sometimes the process is quite simple: every H shifts once to the right (as in Cijita) or spreads once to the right (as in Kikerewe). The tonal system of Taita is more complex in that both shifting and spreading are found in the language. Furthermore, the extent of tone shift or spread is not just one syllable; sometimes, H tone can shift or spread by two syllables. An analysis of the tonal system of the Dembwa dialect of Taita is given here. It is argued that the facts of the language are best described in terms of two rules of rightward spreading and a third rule of tone delinking. The argument for analyzing the tone system in terms of three interacting rules rather than one unified rightward movement process resides in the fact that the environments for the three processes only overlap partially. On the theoretical front, these results support a general decomposition of the process of tone shift into tone spread interacting with tonal delinking, rather than including the operation of shift in the formal repertoire of primitive phonological operations.


2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bruening

Recent work by Bresnan and colleagues (Bresnan 2007, Bresnan et al. 2007, Bresnan and Nikitina 2007) has argued that double object and prepositional dative constructions are essentially identical, the choice between them being conditioned by various factors. I argue against this conclusion, showing that the grammar clearly distinguishes double object from prepositional dative constructions. Under certain circumstances, the first object of a double object construction can shift to the right, with the preposition to appearing, but the grammar still distinguishes this from a prepositional dative construction that looks identical on the surface. The phenomena that I investigate are scope interactions with quantifiers and locative inversion. In addition, the rightward reordering operations investigated here indicate that constraints on variable binding, including weak crossover, must be formulated in terms of linear order rather than hierarchy.


1989 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 416-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. P. Hoffmann ◽  
C. Distler

1. The visual receptive field properties of neurons in the nucleus of the optic tract (NOT) in the pretectum and the dorsal terminal nucleus (DTN) of the accessory optic tract were analyzed quantitatively in anesthetized, paralyzed macaque monkeys. 2. Visual latencies to reversals in direction of stimulus movement ranged from 40 to 80 ms [61 +/- 13.5 (SD) ms]. 3. All neurons increased their discharge rate during ipsiversive movement and decreased their ongoing activity during contraversive movement of single stimuli or whole-field random dot patterns. The population of neurons in the left NOT-DTN was excited most strongly by leftward movement pointing 4 degrees down; neurons in the right NOT-DTN were excited most strongly by rightward movement pointing 6 degrees down. The mean angle between the directions yielding the highest and the lowest discharge rate in the two populations of NOT-DTN neurons was 177 degrees. 4. The deviation of the preferred excitatory directions from the horizon in individual neurons varied with recording depth. Within the first 500 microns below the midbrain surface, neurons preferred near-horizontal directions, whereas neurons recorded more deeply preferred more oblique directions of stimulus movement. 5. The tuning widths of NOT-DTN neurons in the preferred excitatory direction were very broad. The mean halfwidth defined as the range of directions eliciting responses greater than 50% of the maximum was 127 +/- 25 degrees. 6. Moving a random dot pattern and a single bar of light simultaneously but in opposite directions caused NOT-DTN neurons to increase their discharge rate as soon as one of the two stimuli moved in the ipsiversive direction. The reduction in overall discharge rates when two stimuli moved in opposite directions indicates mainly inhibitory interactions. 7. All NOT-DTN neurons could be activated from both eyes. Interactions between the two eyes were modest and unspecific. Misalignment of the visual axes of the two eyes had no influence on response strength. 8. Optimal speeds of stimulus movement varied widely for different NOT-DTN neurons. The effective range of speeds to elicit direction-selective responses in the total population was very broad (0.1400 degrees/s. With oscillating horizontal stimulation, NOT-DTN neurons followed repetition rates up to 4 Hz at excursions of 40 degrees. Speeds greater than 500 degrees/s were either not effective or resulted in a suppression of ongoing activity in all directions of movement.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)


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