Rightward Scrambling as Rightward Remnant Movement

2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajesh Bhatt ◽  
Veneeta Dayal
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Movement Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Remnant Movement ◽  
Rightward Movement

Mahajan (1997) and Simpson and Bhattacharya (2003) analyze Indo-Aryan languages such as Hindi-Urdu and Bangla as SVO. We argue against this position, drawing on rightward scrambling in Hindi-Urdu to make this point. We propose an account of the phenomenon in terms of rightward remnant-VP movement. This account differs from proposals that posit rightward movement of individual arguments as well as from the antisymmetric proposals mentioned above, which treat rightward scrambling as argument stranding. Our rightward remnant movement analysis better captures two empirical properties of rightward scrambling that remain elusive in the other accounts: the correlation between linear order and scope, and restricted scope for rightward- scrambled wh-expressions.

How Antisymmetric Is Syntax?

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuji Takano
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Phrase Structure ◽  
Negative Polarity ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Negative Polarity Items ◽  
Polarity Items ◽  
The Right

Since the emergence of Kayne's (1994) stimulating proposal for an antisymmetric theory of phrase structure and linear order, much work has been devoted to arguing for or against his theory as well as discussing its empirical predictions. As a result, for a number of phenomena involving rightward positioning, such as rightward adjuncts, heavy NP shift, extraposition, postverbal subjects, and postverbal constituents in OV languages, there now exist both an approach consistent with Kayne's theory (the antisymmetric approach) and another not consistent with it (the symmetric approach). In such a situation, it is often difficult to show on empirical grounds that one approach is superior to the other (see Rochemont and Culicover 1997). In what follows, I describe this situation with respect to two well-known phenomena in English: rightward positioning of adjuncts and heavy NP shift. For each of these phenomena, the symmetric and antisymmetric approaches have been proposed, and both approaches can correctly account for the data discussed in previous studies. Here, I examine the approaches from a novel point of view, showing that data involving the licensing of negative polarity items allow us to differentiate them and to decide which is the right one for each of the two empirical domains. Interestingly, the relevant facts lead to different conclusions for the two phenomena. The results have important implications for the antisymmetric view of syntax.

scholarly journals Against 'Long' Movement of the Superlative Operator

2000 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yael Sharvit ◽  
Penka Stateva
Keyword(s):  
Propositional Attitude ◽  
Movement Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
High Grade ◽  
De Re ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Considerable Debate ◽  
Operator Movement

It is a matter of considerable debate whether degree operators are interpreted in their base position or in some higher position. Kennedy ( 1 997) has shown that degree operators (e.g., the comparative operator) do not interact scopally with quantified expressions. On the other hand, Heim ( 1 999) and Stateva (to appear) have presented evidence that the superlative operator (as in the highest grade) interacts scopally with intensional predicates. This paper argues that despite the fact that the superlative operator seems to interact scopally with intensional predicates, the facts receive a better account under an in situ analysis, rather than a movement analysis, of the operator. This point will be made by (a) looking at examples where a superlative expression is embedded under a propositional attitude verb, and focussing on readings which are neither de re (in the strict sense) nor de dicto (in the strict sense); and (b) examining negative superlatives (e.g., the least high grade) in extensional contexts. Our conclusion will be that Kennedy' s claim that degree operator movement is highly restricted is correct.

Against 'Long' Movement of the Superlative Operator

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Yael Sharvit ◽  
Penka Stateva
Keyword(s):  
Propositional Attitude ◽  
Movement Analysis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
High Grade ◽  
De Re ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Considerable Debate ◽  
Operator Movement

It is a matter of considerable debate whether degree operators are interpreted in their base position or in some higher position. Kennedy (1997) has shown that degree operators (e.g., the comparative operator) do not interact scopally with quantified expressions. On the other hand, Heim (1999) and Stateva (to appear) have presented evidence that the superlative operator (as in <it>the highest grade</it>) interacts scopally with intensional predicates. This paper argues that despite the fact that the superlative operator seems to interact scopally with intensional predicates, the facts receive a better account under an <it>in situ</it> analysis, rather than a movement analysis, of the operator. This point will be made by (a) looking at examples where a superlative expression is embedded under a propositional attitude verb, and focussing on readings which are neither <it>de re</it> (in the strict sense) nor <it>de dicto</it> (in the strict sense); and (b) examining negative superlatives (e.g., <it>the least high grade</it>) in extensional contexts. Our conclusion will be that Kennedy's claim that degree operator movement is highly restricted is correct.

Reconsidering Rightward Scrambling: Postverbal Constituents in Hindi-Urdu

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Manetta
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Rightward Movement ◽  
The Right ◽  
Recent Account

In the most recent account of rightward displacement in Hindi-Urdu, Bhatt and Dayal (2007) claim that all postverbal constituents are derived via rightward movement of a remnant VP. In this article, I argue that the remnant-VP approach does not allow us to make distinctions between the positioning requirements of DPs and CPs. I propose an account of rightward scrambling (following Mahajan 1988 ) that captures the correlation in Hindi-Urdu between scope and linear order, and I claim that finite complement CPs do not undergo scrambling, but are instead obligatorily aligned to the right edge of their containing clause at the level of PF.

scholarly journals Presupposition projection from disjunction is symmetric

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 556
Author(s):  
Alexandros Kalomoiros ◽  
Florian Schwarz
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Linear Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
Presupposition Projection ◽  
Asymmetry Effects ◽  
Theoretical Question ◽  
Present Experimental Evidence

The role of linear order for presupposition projection is a key theoretical question, but the empirical status of (a-)symmetries in projection from various connectives remains controversial. We present experimental evidence that presupposition projection from disjunction is symmetric. 'Bathroom disjunctions', where either disjunct seems able to support a presupposition in the other if its negation entails it, have been argued to be evidence for symmetric projection; but there are alternative theoretical options. Adapting the paradigm of Mandelkern et al. (2020) for projection from conjunction, our experimental data supports the view that we are dealing with genuinely symmetric projection from disjunction. This contrasts with Mandelkern et al.'s findings for asymmetric projection from conjunction, and thus provides evidence for variation in projection (a-)symmetry across connectives, contra accounts proposing general accounts predicting uniform asymmetry effects due to left-to-right processing (e.g. Schlenker 2009).

Forthcoming articles

1999 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 449-449
Keyword(s):  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Movement Analysis ◽  
Review Article ◽  
Pragmatic Theory ◽  
Implicit Argument ◽  
The Status ◽  
Phatic Communication ◽  
Development Of Language ◽  
Grammatical Change ◽  
Rightward Movement

J. Abe & H. Hoshi: A generalized rightward movement analysis of antecedent contained deletionS. Bates, J. Harris & J. Watson: Prosody and melody in vowel disorderS. Iwata: On the status of implicit argument in middlesJ. C. Moore: Judgement types and the structure of causativesO. Orie: Syllable asymmetries in comparative Yoruba phonologyG. Ward & L. Horn: Phatic communication and pragmatic theory: a reply to Žegarac & ClarkV. Žegarac & B. Clark: Phatic communication and pragmatic theory: a reply to Ward & HornF. Ackerman: Review article – M. Shibatani & S. Thompson, Grammatical constructions: their form and meaningM. Haspelmath: Are there principles of grammatical change? Review article – D. Lightfoot, The development of language: acquisition, change, and evolution

A generalized rightward movement analysis of Antecedent Contained Deletion

1999 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUN ABE ◽  
HIROTO HOSHI
Keyword(s):  
Movement Analysis ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Infinite Regress ◽  
Rightward Shift ◽  
Object Shift ◽  
Shift Analysis ◽  
Rightward Movement ◽  
Feature Checking

In this paper, we will argue that the LF Object Shift analysis of the infinite regress resolution of Antecedent Contained Deletion is untenable conceptually and empirically. Generalizing Baltin's (1987) CP Extraposition analysis, we will instead propose that any type of rightward movement, including NP and PP Rightward Shift, is available for the infinite regress resolution. Furthermore, we will show that our generalized rightward movement analysis explains a wider range of data than the LF Object Shift analysis. Finally, we will address a question as to why rightward movement, which is non-feature checking movement, is triggered/involved in Antecedent Contained Deletion. We will suggest a way to derive this property under the assumptions of Chomsky's (1993, 1995) Minimalist Program.

The syntax of PP-adverbs within English determiner phrases

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
MUTEB ALQARNI
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Movement Analysis ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Determiner Phrases ◽  
The Third ◽  
Current Article ◽  
Rightward Movement ◽  
Female President

The current article explores the distribution of PP-adverbs, such as this month, this year etc., within English determiner phrases. Examples extracted from English newspapers show that PP-adverbs surprisingly separate head nouns from their PP-complements (i.e. of-phrases), e.g. the election this month of the first female president. At other times, PP-adverbs follow PP-complements, e.g. the election of the first female president this month. Assuming that these PP-adverbs have a null preposition (Larson 1985; McCawley 1988; Caponigro & Pearl 2008, 2009; Shun'ichiro 2013), I put forward three possible syntactic analyses to account for the examples above: (i) adjunction of both the PP-complement and the PP-adverb; (ii) leftward movement of the head noun or the noun phrase; and (iii) rightward movement of the PP-complement. Following Stowell (1981), Higginbotham (1983) and Anderson (1984), the adjunction proposal argues that both PP-adverbs and of-phrases are adjuncts, thus being freely ordered in the nominal hierarchy (Bresnan 1982; Svenonius 1994; Stroik & Putnam 2013). In contrast, the leftward movement analysis respects Kayne's (1994) Antisymmetric Theory of Linearization and argues that the of-phrase in the examples above is still a genuine complement, but the head noun, or sometimes the noun phrase, moves leftwards to a position higher than spec,FP where PP-adverbs are situated. As for the rightward movement account, it follows the leftward movement in treating the of-phrase as a complement but differs in that it extraposes the PP-complement outside PP-adverbs and right-adjoins it inside the DP. The article shows that the first two proposals are untenable, and sometimes cannot derive the wanted data. The third account is superior in that it accounts for the required data as well as other island-sensitive facts.

scholarly journals Experiments on the physiology and genetics the smut fungi.—Hyphal-fusion

1927 ◽  
Vol 101 (708) ◽  
pp. 126-136 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Conditions ◽  
Linear Order ◽  
Clamp Connection ◽  
The Other ◽  
Smut Fungi ◽  
Hyphal Fusion

In recent years attention has been devoted to the study of the Smut Fungi, and their cytology is now fairly well known. The results of previous observations on the two Smuts used in the following experiments may be briefly summarised:—The Chlamydospore in both species is uni-nucleate, and on germination a promycelium is formed into which the nucleus passes. There it divides into two, and the two daughter nuclei pass, one to each end of the promycelium, and there divide, so forming four nuclei between which cross walls are then formed (see text-fig. 1, A-E, p. 130). After this stage the behaviour is governed largely by the environmental conditions, either one or more sporidia are budded off from each segment or clamp connections are formed between pairs of segments. (Text-fig. 1, F-G.) No linear order is apparent in these unions, all possible combinations having been observed; and the nucleus and cytoplasm of one segment passes into the other through the clamp connection. Again, no crossing or changing over in position of the nuclei in the unsegmented promycelium has been seen. It has been presumed therefore that the nuclei in the segments, if numbered from the apex, 1, 2, 3, 4, are in pairs, 1 and 2 being the product of one nucleus, 3 and 4 the product of the other. This has been corroborated in the present work.

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