Morality, Ethics, and Globalization: Lessons from Kant, Hegel, Rawls, and Habermas

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 603-644
Author(s):  
Erick Lachapelle

AbstractThis chapter critically examines the separation of political theory from international theory and argues that a return to the former is essential if IR scholars are to help provide answers to the urgent moral and ethical questions facing world politics in an era of globalization. An examination of the political philosophies of Kant and Hegel demonstrates the importance of political theory for the analysis and practice of global politics today, while the tension between the universal and particular, emerging from Kantian morality and Hegelian ethics, is traced in the recent work of John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas.

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aakash Singh

Jürgen Habermas’ recent work attempts to find ‘inspiring energy’ in the religious traditions, but without disturbing the rationality and freedoms of enlightenment modernity. Rather, the secular would assimilate the religious like a blood infusion, becoming more vibrant and stronger, but not losing its hard-won advantage. For Habermas, the post-secular problem lies in how best to preserve the secular democratic institutions, and keep them from being ‘violated’ through religiously motivated politics. Habermas criticizes Nicholas Wolterstorff, who would allow the religious to overrun the political, potentially violating vulnerable democratic institutions such as the parliament. Habermas suggests use of an ‘institutional filter’ to protect parliament from violation. Throughout his post-secular writings, he persistently employs Victorian-like innuendo bestowing masculine ‘inspiring energy’, ‘vitality’, and danger onto religion, which runs the risk of ‘violating’ effeminate democratic institutions symbolized by the parliament; thus the prophylactic device, the ‘filter’, which protects her virtue. One is reminded of Christo's and Jeanne-Claude's ‘Wrapped Reichstag’: in contrast to the Bundestag of today, with its glass dome (representing transparency) open to the public, we find in Christo's and Jeanne-Claude's work an enclosed, protective environment, a filter or prophylactic. In this vein, this paper will attempt to tease out from the language, word-choice, metaphors, and discourse of Habermas’ (post)secular dialectics that the religious enters solely on terms set by the secular, and plurality solely on terms set by stability/security.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Javier Gallego Saade

ResumenSe repasan algunos elementos de la crítica de Jürgen Habermas a la teoría política de John Rawls. Se sugiere uncontraste entre las propiedades de los sujetos que cada unodesarrolla en sus obras: la capacidad de orientarse al entendimiento, por un lado, y la capacidad de actuar razonablemente, por el otro. Cada una se trata como contrapeso a laacción estratégica y a la racionalidad en sentido estricto,respectivamente. Se sugieren hacia el nal ciertos alcancesde la crítica, en relación a la tradición losóca en que sesitúa el debate.Palabras clave: Liberalismo político; Teoría del discurso; razonabilidad; acción comunicativa; contractualismo social.AbstractSome elements of Jürgen Habermas' critique of John Rawls' political theory are reviewed. A contrast is suggested between the properties of subjects that each one develops in his work: action oriented to understanding, on the one hand, and the capacity to act reasonably, on the other.Each is treated as counterweight to strategic action, and rationality in the strict sense, respectively. Towards the end the scope of the critique is related to the philosophical tradition in which the debate takes place.Keywords: Political liberalsim; Discourse theory; reasonableness; communicative action; social contractualism


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sílvia Alves (Universidade de Lisboa, Portugal)

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a relação entre a desobediência civil e a democracia no pensamento político contemporâneo, através das obras de Hannah Arendt, Norberto Bobbio, John Rawls e Jürgen Habermas. A indissociabilidade entre democracia e desobediência civil emerge num ambiente favorável mas antinómico e pleno de tensão.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009059172110278
Author(s):  
Colin Koopman

Despite widespread recognition of an emergent politics of data in our midst, we strikingly lack a political theory of data. We readily acknowledge the presence of data across our political lives, but we often do not know how to conceptualize the politics of all those data points—the forms of power they constitute and the kinds of political subjects they implicate. Recent work in numerous academic disciplines is evidence of the first steps toward a political theory of data. This article maps some limits of this emergent literature with an eye to enriching its theoretical range. The literature on data politics, both within political theory and elsewhere, has thus far focused almost exclusively on the algorithm. This article locates a further dimension of data politics in the work of formatting technology or, more simply, formats. Formats are simultaneously conceptual and technical in the ways they define what can even count as data, and by extension who can count as data and how they can count. A focus on formats is of theoretical value because it provides a bridge between work on the conceptual contours of categories and the technology-centric literature on algorithms that tends to ignore the more conceptual dimensions of data technology. The political insight enabled by format theory is shown in the context of an extended interrogation of the politics of racialized redlining.


1992 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

AbstractIn his most recent work, John Rawls argues that political theory must recognize and accomodate the ‘fact of pluralism’, including the fact of religious diversity. He believes that the liberal commitment to individual rights provides the only feasible model for accomodating religious pluralism. In the paper, I discuss a second form of tolerance, based on group rights rather than individual rights. Drawing on historical examples, I argue that this is is also a feasible model for accomodating religious pluralism. While both models ensure tolerance between groups, only the former tolerates individual dissent within groups. To defend the individual rights model, therefore, liberals must appeal not only to the fact of social pluralism, but also to the value of individual autonomy. This may require abandoning Rawls’s belief that liberalism can and should be defended on purely ‘political’, rather than ‘comprehensive’ grounds.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 591-620 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATRINA FORRESTER

Current interpretations of the political theory of Judith Shklar focus to a disabling extent on her short, late article “The Liberalism of Fear” (1989); commentators take this late essay as representative of her work as a whole and thus characterize her as an anti-totalitarian, Cold War liberal. Other interpretations situate her political thought alongside followers of John Rawls and liberal political philosophy. Challenging the centrality of fear in Shklar's thought, this essay examines her writings on utopian and normative thought, the role of history in political thinking and her notions of ordinary cruelty and injustice. In particular, it shifts emphasis away from an exclusive focus on her late writings in order to consider works published throughout her long career at Harvard University, from 1950 until her death in 1992. By surveying the range of Shklar's critical standpoints and concerns, it suggests that postwar American liberalism was not as monolithic as many interpreters have assumed. Through an examination of her attitudes towards her forebears and contemporaries, it shows why the dominant interpretations of Shklar—as anti-totalitarian émigré thinker, or normative liberal theorist—are flawed. In fact, Shklar moved restlessly between these two categories, and drew from each tradition. By thinking about both hope and memory, she bridged the gap between two distinct strands of postwar American liberalism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Mariano Garreta Leclercq

El presente artículo propone algunas objeciones contra la concepción deliberativa de la democracia desarrollada por Carlos Nino. El blanco central de las objeciones es la tesis del filósofo argentino según la cual el valor del debate democrático derivaría, fundamentalmente, de sus virtudes epistémicas, es decir, de su capacidad para elevar las probabilidades de que el sistema político tome las decisiones correctas. Se cuestiona el modo en que el autor presenta su propuesta como una forma de superar las deficiencias que presentarían las concepciones de John Rawls y Jürgen Habermas en el campo de la epistemología moral. Se intentará demostrar que el modelo de deliberación defendido por Nino no resulta aplicable a un contexto de pluralismo razonable filosófico, religioso y moral como el que resulta característico de las democracias liberales contemporáneas. Por último, se ofrece el esbozo de una concepción alternativa, práctica y moral, no epistémica, del valor de los procedimientos democráticos y de la naturaleza de la legitimidad política.


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