On the Non-Unified Nature of Scalar Implicature: An Empirical Investigation

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Baker ◽  
Ryan Doran ◽  
Yaron McNabb ◽  
Meredith Larson ◽  
Gregory Ward
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Investigation ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Conversational Implicature ◽  
Experimental Setting ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Gradable Adjectives ◽  
Discourse Context ◽  
Scale Type ◽  
Truth Conditional ◽  
Scale Types

AbstractScalar implicaure is often offered as the exemplar of generalized conversational implicature. However, despite the wealth of literature devoted to both the phenomenon in general and to specific examples, little attention has been paid to the various factors that may influence the generation and interpretation of scalar implicatures. This study employs the “Literal Lucy” methodology developed in Larson et al. (in press) to further investigate these factors in a controlled experimental setting. The results of our empirical investigation suggest that the type of scale employed affects whether or not speakers judge a particular scalar implicature to be part of the truth-conditional meaning of an utterance. Moreover, we found that features of the conversational context in which the implicature is situated also play an important role. Specifically, we have found that the number of scalar values evoked in the discourse context plays a significant role in the interpretation of scalar implicatures generated from gradable adjective scales but not other scale types. With respect to the effects of scale type, we have found that gradable adjectives were less frequently incorporated into truth-conditional meaning than cardinals, quantificational items, and ranked orderings. Additionally, ranked orderings were incorporated less than cardinals. Thus, the results from the current study show that the interpretation of scalar implicature is sensitive to both the associated scale type and discourse context.

scholarly journals Differences and similarities between scalar inferences and scalar modifiers: The case of quantifiers

2015 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaron McNabb
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Work ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Systematic Investigation ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Diverse Group ◽  
Conversational Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Scalar Modifiers ◽  
Semantic Properties

Despite the rich theoretical and experimental work on scalar implicature, many of the studies on this topic were limited to some vs. all, neglecting the cross-categorial pervasiveness of the phenomena. The few experimental studies involving a more diverse group of scalar implicatures have found variation among expressions in the likelihood they give rise to scalar implicature, thereby challenging the assumption that scalar implicature (and generalized conversational implicature) is a uniform phenomenon (Doran, Baker, McNabb, Larson & Ward 2009; Doran, Ward, Larson, McNabb & Baker 2012; Van Tiel, Van Miltenburg, Zevakhina & Geurts 2014). This paper presents a first, systematic investigation of the degree to which a large group of quantifiers give rise to the implicature ‘not all’ using an utterance compatibility task with a modified Likert scale. Two accounts for the variation among quantifiers are proposed: (i) Shared semantic properties among three coherent groups of quantifiers account for the degree they give rise to upper- bound implicature; or (ii) the likelihood of an implicature is a function of the scalar distance between the various quantifiers and ‘all’. The predictions these two accounts make are discussed, charting the way to a future investigation of the heterogeneity of scalar implicature. 

Differentiating scalar implicature from exclusion inferences in language acquisition

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jess Sullivan ◽  
Kathryn Davidson ◽  
Shirlene Wade ◽  
David Barner
Keyword(s):  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Mutual Exclusivity ◽  
Logical Semantics

When acquiring language, children must not only learn the meanings of words, but also how to interpret them in context. For example, children must learn both the logical semantics of the scalar quantifier some and its pragmatically enriched meaning: ‘some but not all’. Some studies have shown that this “scalar implicature” that some implies ‘some but not all’ poses a challenge even to nine-year-olds, while others find success by age three. We asked whether reports of children’s early successes might be due to the computation of exclusion inferences (like contrast or mutual exclusivity) rather than an ability to compute scalar implicatures. We found that young children (N=214; ages 4;0-7;11) sometimes prefer to compute symmetrical exclusion inferences rather than asymmetric scalar inferences when interpreting quantifiers. This suggests that some apparent successes in computing scalar implicature can actually be explained by less sophisticated exclusion inferences.

Everyday talk informs toddlers’ novel verb generalizations

2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 404-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa A. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Setting ◽  
Discourse Context ◽  
Everyday Talk ◽  
Intransitive Verbs

This study explores the effects of discourse context on a child’s ability to generalize transitively trained novel verbs in an experimental setting and the ability to diversely use intransitive constructions in everyday talk. Two- and three-year-olds participated in novel verb training and play sessions. An effect of discourse context was found; novel verbs were used most often in training, rather than elicitation. Thirty percent of the children generalized a transitively trained novel verb to an intransitive construction. The generalizing children differed from non-generalizers in the proportion with which they used familiar intransitive verbs diversely during play. Thus, the process through which children come to generalize verbs may be influenced by their everyday verb usage on a construction by construction basis.

scholarly journals Complex Inferential Processes Are Needed for Implicature Comprehension, but Not for Implicature Production

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Mognon ◽  
Simone A. Sprenger ◽  
Sanne J. M. Kuijper ◽  
Petra Hendriks
Keyword(s):  
Theory Of Mind ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Intended Meaning ◽  
Apply Theory ◽  
Bidirectional Optimality Theory ◽  
The Asymmetry ◽  
Variable Performance

Upon hearing “Some of Michelangelo’s sculptures are in Rome,” adults can easily generate a scalar implicature and infer that the intended meaning of the utterance corresponds to “Some but not all Michelangelo’s sculptures are in Rome.” Comprehension experiments show that preschoolers struggle with this kind of inference until at least 5 years of age. Surprisingly, the few studies having investigated children’s production of scalar expressions like some and all suggest that production is adult-like already in their third year of life. Thus, children’s production of implicatures seems to develop at least 2 years before their comprehension of implicatures. In this paper, we present a novel account of scalar implicature generation in the framework of Bidirectional Optimality Theory: the Asymmetry Account. We show that the production–comprehension asymmetry is predicted to emerge because the comprehension of some requires the hearer to consider the speaker’s perspective, but the production of some does not require the speaker to consider the hearer’s perspective. Hence, children’s comprehension of scalar expressions, but not their production of scalar expressions, is predicted to be related to their theory of mind development. Not possessing fully developed theory of mind abilities yet, children thus have difficulty in comprehending scalar expressions such as some in an adult-like way. Our account also explains why variable performance is found in experimental studies testing children’s ability to generate scalar implicatures; moreover, it describes the differences between children’s and adults’ implicature generation in terms of their ability to recursively apply theory of mind; finally, it sheds new light on the question why the interpretation of numerals does not require implicature generation.

scholarly journals Adjectival scales and three types of implicature

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 409
Author(s):  
Nicole Gotzner ◽  
Stephanie Solt ◽  
Anton Benz
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Distance ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Gradable Adjectives ◽  
Standard Of Comparison ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Negative Strengthening

In this work, we explore the relationship between three different inferencestriggered by gradable adjectives. In particular, we look at scalar implicature andtwo competing inferences occuring under negation - scale reversal (indirect scalarimplicature) and a type of manner implicature called negative strengthening. In aseries of experiments, we test a variety of adjectival scales and explore correlationsbetween different inferences. Our results show that some scales are more likelyto generate scalar implicature while others lean more towards generating negativestrengthening. The extent to which scalar implicature and scale reversal correlate forthe same scales, in turn, is lower than expected. We discuss our findings with respectto the mechanisms underlying the three types of inferences and factors accountingfor differences across scales, with a focus on semantic distance, boundedness, thetype of standard of comparison and adjectival extremeness.

Differentiating scalar implicature from exclusion inferences in language acquisition

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 733-759
Author(s):  
Jessica SULLIVAN ◽  
Kathryn DAVIDSON ◽  
Shirlene WADE ◽  
David BARNER
Keyword(s):  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Mutual Exclusivity ◽  
Logical Semantics

AbstractDuring acquisition, children must learn both the meanings of words and how to interpret them in context. For example, children must learn the logical semantics of the scalar quantifier some and its pragmatically enriched meaning: ‘some but not all’. Some studies have shown that ‘scalar implicature’ – that some implies ‘some but not all’ – poses a challenge even to nine-year-olds, while others find success by age three. We asked whether reports of children's successes might be due to the computation of exclusion inferences (like contrast or mutual exclusivity) rather than scalar implicatures. We found that young children (N = 214; ages 4;0–7;11) sometimes compute symmetrical exclusion inferences rather than asymmetric scalar inferences. These data suggest that a stronger burden of evidence is required in studies of implicature; before concluding that children compute implicatures, researchers should first show that children exhibit sensitivity to asymmetric entailment in the task.

Meaning change in Chinese: A numeral phrase construction from adjectives to superlatives to definite descriptions

Linguistics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 599-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawei Jin ◽  
Jun Chen
Keyword(s):  
Change Process ◽  
Definite Descriptions ◽  
Literal Meaning ◽  
Semantic Change ◽  
Gradable Adjectives ◽  
Meaning Change ◽  
Truth Conditional

Abstract This paper analyzes a hitherto unnoticed semantic change process in Chinese, in which lexical (adjectival) materials develop into superlative operators, and subsequently turn into definiteness markers. Our analysis focuses on the semantic factors that underlie this meaning change trajectory. Specifically, we argue that frequent association of gradable adjectives with superlative implication leads to pragmatic strengthening in which the superlative implication conventionally enters the literal meaning. Furthermore, we show that a further change in the extension of the nominal part of superlative phrases leads to a maximality reanalysis that is compatible with the semantics of definite NPs. This paper contributes to the burgeoning field of applying truth-conditional semantics to theories of grammaticalization.

Cognitive processing of scalar implicatures with Chinese gradable adjectives

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-403
Author(s):  
Si Liu ◽  
Yi Yang
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Processing ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Literal Meaning ◽  
Experimental Paradigm ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Gradable Adjectives ◽  
Gradable Adjective ◽  
Background Belief ◽  
Default Model

Abstract In previous research comparing the Context-driven Model with the Default Model of meaning processing, the former was preferred. It predicts that contexts play an exclusively decisive role in meaning processing, whereas the latter holds that the inference of literal meaning generally goes through, unless it is subsequently defaulted or cancelled by the context it is associated with. The Standardization Model, which we added to our experiments, highlights that implicatures are figured out from standardized forms typically based on the mutual background belief and speaker’s intention. We tested whether Chinese people’s processing of the gradable adjective scale <hot, burning> conformed more to the Context-driven Model, the Default Model, or the Standardization Model. The results demonstrated that the Standardization Model is the most acceptable among the three. The findings of this study, which is the first study using the experimental paradigm on Chinese gradable adjectives, highlighted a need for further studies to investigate the same questions with different languages and cultures.

Multiple Sluicing, Scope, and Superiority: Consequences for Ellipsis Identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-812 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hadas Kotek ◽  
Matthew Barros
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Truth Conditional ◽  
Question Under Discussion ◽  
The Common ◽  
Semantic Identity ◽  
Context Of Utterance

This article defends a semantic identity account of ellipsis licensing. The argument comes from examples of multiple sluicing, especially from Russian. Concentrating on antecedents that contain two quantified statements, we uncover a surprising asymmetry: surface scope antecedents can license a multiple sluice, but inverse scope antecedents cannot. We explain this finding in terms of semantic accounts of ellipsis licensing, where ellipsis is licensed when the sluice corresponds to an (implicit) question under discussion. We show that QUDs cannot be computed from the truth-conditional content of the antecedents alone; instead, they must be computed only after (scalar) implicatures have been calculated and added to the common ground, along with the context of utterance. We further discuss the commitments required of syntactic/LF identity accounts of ellipsis licensing in order to accommodate multiple sluicing with quantified antecedents, and argue that such accounts are practically untenable.

scholarly journals Another argument for embedded scalar implicatures based on oddness in downward entailing contexts

2015 ◽  
pp. 564
Author(s):  
Giorgio Magri
Keyword(s):  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Scalar Implicature ◽  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Downward Entailing ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Right

In Magri (2009), I argue that a sentence such as 'Some Italians come from a warm country' sounds odd because it triggers the scalar implicature that not all Italians come from a warm country, which mismatches with the common knowledge that all Italians come from the same country. If this proposal is on the right track, then oddness can be used as a diagnostic for scalar implicatures. In this paper, I use this diagnostic to provide one more argument that scalar implicatures are computed not only at the matrix level but also in embedded position. The argument is based on a puzzling pattern of oddness in downward entailing contexts.

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