Communities, Crowd-Theory, and Mob-Theory in Late-Fourteenth Century English History Writing and Poetry

Mobs ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 141-164
1941 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 159-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Somerville

The origin of that court of equity which sat at Westminster as the court of duchy chamber has prompted more than one guess, but none of the guesses has reached the truth. Their authors, in applying the Lucretian principle ex nihilo nihil fit and by searching for a definite act of creation, have forgotten an equally profound truth so well emphasised in medieval English history, that few of our great institutions were created all at once, or sprang into life completely armed like Pallas Athene from the head of Zeus. Most of these writers have seen in Henry IV's accession to the throne a sharp dividing line in the history of the duchy of Lancaster, which in fact it was not. The charter by which Henry IV regulated the status of the duchy in 1399 expressly provided for a continuance of the existing administration.Another factor in obscuring the origin of this court has been a confusion with the chancery court of Lancashire. This chancery was set up by a definite act in the middle of the fourteenth century and revived soon after; in the course of time it acquired an equity jurisdiction similar to that exercised by the royal chancery. But its jurisdiction was, and still is, limited to Lancashire, whereas the court of duchy chamber had a much wider range. This confusion is apparent in legal works of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; Coke continued the misconception, with the result that even modern writers of repute have been led astray.


1878 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 30-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert H. Wratislaw

Events in the history of one nation frequently bear a striking similarity to events in that of another. But along with the points of similarity, there are usually in such cases points of contrast also, which make the comparison more interesting than if the similarity had been complete. The life of Thomas à Becket, first the friend and chancellor, then Archbishop of Canterbury and the unyielding opponent of our Henry II., and his violent death before the altar of his cathedral, form one of the most remarkable episodes both in English history and in the history of the long struggle between the so-called temporal and spiritual powers, which is still continuing at the present day. Very singular, also and interesting are both the points of similarity and the points of contrast presented by the life of John of Jenstein, Archbishop of Prague, towards the end of the fourteenth century, and his struggle with Wenceslas IV., King of Bohemia and King of the Romans, as compared with the life of Becket, and his contest with Henry II. of England.


1999 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 57-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wilks

History in a very religious or ideologically inspired society is always liable to become a victim of propaganda. A concern for what is right takes precedence over what actually happens, and the justification of events replaces the accurate recording of them: there is what may be termed virtuous reality. In such a climate evidence has not only to be rigorously tested and questioned, but close attention has also to be given to what is not recorded or omitted. At no time in English history is this more true than the years around 1400, when justification of a new government required the condemnation of the reign that had gone before. It is well known that the domestic chronicles of the period are a striking example of Hobbes’s dictum that in an intolerant society ‘imagination and memory are but one thing’. Despite the long centuries of struggle within virtually all medieval kingdoms for supremacy between laity and clergy, the contest ofregnumandsacerdotium, which reached a climax in England during the fourteenth century, the sources - and therefore modern historians -have concentrated upon an alternative, purely secular interpretation of events. The drama of the later 1390s, which saw the deposition of both Archbishop and King, is treated as if it were all a straightforward contest between absolute and limited kingship, in which a feudal aristocracy sought justice against a tyrannical ruler, and this has served to obscure the overriding significance of the crisis as a matter of ecclesiastical history.


1977 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Christine Fell

In this, my third article on the sources of Saga Játvarðar konungs hins helga, the fourteenth-century Icelandic saga of Edward the Confessor, I hope to cover all the material that I have not dealt with previously. In my first article, on the hagiographical sources, I suggested that the saga writer used two specific texts, a service book containing the lections for St Edward's day and the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauvais. In my second one, on the saga's version of the Anglo-Saxon emigration to Byzantium, I showed that this account was very closely related to the one in the anonymous and unpublished Chronicon Laudunensis. Here I wish to show the full extent of the saga's debt to CL. In doing this I also need to show how the saga writer used Scandinavian sources, a range of material that he acknowledges when he refers us to what is said í æfi Noregskonunga. The specific saga which he has utilized most fully is that of Harald Hardrada, Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar. Since he was compiling JS in the fourteenth century, HS would have been available to him in a number of recensions. Extant ones include the early-thirteenth-century Msk and Fsk, both of which may have been utilized by Snorri Sturluson in Hkr later in that century. Some of the later manuscripts of Hkr, such as Eirspennill, include interpolations and there are compilations, such as the fourteenth-century Hulda, which combine material from Msk and Hkr. The evidence indicates that the compiler of JS knew HS in more than one of these redactions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
Blain Auer

AbstractThis paper discusses the idea of the “local” as it applies to Persian history writing across the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and produced in South Asia. Geographers ordered land and space with the concepts of climes (s. iqlīm) and regions (kishvar) which reflected different peoples and climates. Historians more generally related geography to power, and kingdoms (s. mamlakat) served as the primary geographical framework. How did imperial ideologies formulated in thirteenth and fourteenth-century Islamic courts define India through geographical and historical concepts? Does the idea of the “local” exist as a conceptual idea in history writing? This paper is concerned to understand how historical knowledge was used in this political context to define the localities and regions of India in relation to Delhi and other Islamic courts of India.


Author(s):  
Jesse Lander

During the Reformation, arguments over the near and distant past are crucial for making people increasingly aware of the plurality of competing, even contradictory, accounts of the past. This article examines the way in which historical accounts of Richard III’s reign point to the emergence of a historiographical consciousness, an awareness that written history is partial in both senses of the word. It considers the extent of John Foxe’s influence on English history writing and how he made revisionist history mainstream. It analyses chronicle history plays, especiallyThe True Tragedie of Richard III, as evidence that historiographical consciousness was widespread in the period. It also treats the connection between dissimulation and conspiracy in Thomas More’sHistoryand cites George Buck’sThe History of King Richard III(1619) as a remarkable example of revisionism that deploys historical learning against received opinion.


2020 ◽  
pp. 212-238
Author(s):  
Claudia Claridge

This chapter explores the use of discourse representation in Early Modern English history writing. The eleven texts investigated exhibit different proportions of speech and writing representation as well as a summarising style, which cuts across the speech and writing distinction. Speech representation of dialogues, (long) orations, and small chunks is amply attested and most dominant in “traditional” and “humanist” works. Writing representation is overall fairly common, particularly so in “antiquarian” and “partisan” histories; this is also revealed in the greater range of introductory verbs for writing. The summarising style is even more frequent in antiquarian and chronicle writing, which is often not introduced text-internally but via marginalia. Such paratextual as well as punctuation and layout features yield a highly diverse picture of representation practices across the texts. Together with the summarising style and the increasing importance of writing representation, the use of small inserted quotes in narrative or other discourse representation, the addition of precise references for evidential purposes, and the non-integral style of some referencing (i.e., separated from the running text) give seven of the texts a rather “modern” generic look.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document