3 From Inefficiency to Political Alienation

Keyword(s):  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darryl Dale-Ferguson

AbstractThis paper uses Paul Ricœur’s analyses of ideology to argue for the mitigation of the possibility of political evil within the political paradox. In explicating the paradox, Ricœur seeks to hold in tension two basic aspects of politics: its benefits and its propensity to evil. This tension, however, should not be viewed as representative of a dualism. The evil of politics notwithstanding, Ricœur encourages us to view the political order as a deeply important part of our shared existence. By thinking past the distorting function of ideology to the legitimating and integrating functions that Ricœur calls more basic than distortion, a mode of thought that is often at the heart of political evil, ideology can be used to mitigate that very evil.Keywords: Ricœur, “The Political Paradox,” Ideology, Political Violence, Justice.RésuméCet article s’appuie sur les analyses ricœuriennes de l’idéologie dans le but de montrer que l’idéologie est susceptible de contribuer à une atténuation du mal politique inhérent au paradoxe politique. Dans son explicitation de ce paradoxe, Ricœur cherche à mettre en relation tensionnelle deux aspects fondamentaux de la politique: ses avantages et ses maux. Cependant, cette tension ne devrait pas être interprétée comme l’expression d’un dualisme. En dépit du mal inhérent au politique, Ricœur nous encourage à voir l’ordre politique comme une partie profondément importante de notre existence partagée. Si l’on régresse en-deçà de la fonction de distorsion de l’idéologie vers ses fonctions légitimantes et integratrices, c’est-à-dire vers ses fonctions les plus fondamentales, il apparaît en effet que l’idéologie, tout en étant souvent au cœur du mal politique, peut néanmoins être utilisée pour atténuer ce mal.Mots-clés: Ricœur, paradoxe politique, ideologie, violence politique, justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas de Alvarenga Gontijo ◽  
Mariana Ferreira Bicalho

A democracia moderna, da forma que está estruturada, a se valer das superestruturas dos Estados modernos, enfrenta crises sistemáticas e espera superá-las. Entretanto, é possível pensar que os esforços para consertar o Estado Moderno são tautológicos porque, a partir do modelo democrático liberal, não se logrará atingir a essência do problema, pois a estrutura da forma política contemporânea se funda, exatamente, em suas contradições. Há, portanto, um paradoxo fundante e insuperável no modelo estruturante da democracia moderna e do Estado moderno. O que seria, portanto, esse paradoxo fundante? É o fato de que o Estado moderno se organiza a partir de uma alienação política resultante da separação entre Estado político e sociedade civil. Neste artigo, buscar-se-á demonstrar que essa estrutura, essencial para reprodução capitalista, é alienante em sua forma, em sua estrutura, não sendo suficiente para uma verdadeira democracia. Para tanto, o artigo valer-se-á de algumas obras de Karl Marx, como Crítica à filosofia do direito de Hegel, Glosas críticas ao artigo “O rei da Prússia e a reforma social’, 18 de brumário de Luís Bonaparte e Sobre a questão judaica e, por outro lado,  de escritos literários de Franz Kafka, como O Processo, Sobre a questão das leis, O Castelo e Um relatório para academia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-213
Author(s):  
Joanna Konieczna-Sałamatin

The aim of this analysis was to determine why, in public opinion surveys in Ukraine, a decidedly larger proportion of respondents than in countries of western and central Europe do not have their own opinion. The author believes that the causes are primarily two popular attitudes in the Ukraine: (1) the conviction that it doesn’t make sense for an ‘ordinary person’ to think about public affairs, because he has no chance to effect any sort of change; and (2) lack of trust in the survey-taker and the associated sense of the situation as being a sensitive one. The author’s inquiries reveal a higher degree of political alienation in Ukraine than in the majority of EU countries, and a lower level of civic engagement. At the same time, the author expresses the view that the revolution of 2013/2014 probably testifies to the fact that in the last few years the sense of detachment has decreased and will continue to diminish.


Author(s):  
António dos Santos Queirós

In the framework of the globalization of tourism, this chapter discusses the concepts of modern ethics and morality, on a critical perspective to the dominant standpoint that set the morale in the order of the rules and social conventions and leave the ethics on the field of personal experience. The critical essay postulates three fundamental theses: 1. The environmental philosophy builds a new ontology created by the critique of anthropocentrism; 2. But, only their articulation with a new epistemology, founded in the critique of ethnocentrism, could lead to a new ethics universal theory; 3. However, the applied ethics of environmental philosophy needs a new global political ethics shaped on the critique against political alienation. Consequently, the global code of ethics for tourism must be refunded on the light of environmental philosophy and takes an imperative character.


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