Management of the Political Enterprise in the Service of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Cosmopolitan Society

This chapter proposes to analyze the theory of the political enterprise with focus on the concept of ethical values-driven management in the contemporary debate on the politization of business in service of sustainability in cosmopolitan society. By service of cosmopolitan society of the political enterprise the chapter investigates the idea of the political enterprise as being a responsible political, ethical, and social agent with focus on the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that are required to justify its mission and role in society as a political actor that makes a different for its social and political community. The company is embedded in a social and political order with a diversity of political values, and the discussion about the meaning of the concept of values-driven management is therefore fundamental if one is to analyze the concept of the political enterprise in service of the Sustainable Development Goals.

Kryzys idei neutralności moralnej prawa

The idea of the moral neutrality of law is a characteristic element of liberal political and legal doctrines. This concept is also an element of constitutional principles regulating the limits of permissible legislative interference in the sphere of freedom. In such context, the bond linking it with the clearly defined axiology from which it derives is severed. The aim of this study is to consider to what extent the principle of the moral neutrality of law, being a principle affecting the activity of the legislator, retains its potential in identifying and limiting totalizing practices aimed at systematically limiting choices in the field of the concept of a good life and favouring a specific vision of the legal and political order in both spheres of human activity, individual and collective. The numerous variants of the moral neutrality of law formulated in political philosophy, and the distinctions between individual variants, in conjunction with the criticism of this concept, make it necessary to pay attention to whether this way of limiting totalizing practices is a good tool, resistant to the changing conditions. A review of critical arguments directed against the idea of neutrality leads to the conclusion that the weakening of the concept of the moral neutrality of law translates not only into its value in identifying and preventing totalizing practices, but also into weakening the protection of fundamental values, such as individual autonomy.

The great dichotomy: How experiences of history and transcendence explain Ukraine’s political life

The article uses Eric Voegelin’s ontology to address domestic processes in contemporary Ukraine. It explains how interpretations of experiences of history and transcendence evoke political order and justice. It also outlines the nature of political symbols deriving from these experiences. The article argues that Ukraine’s social architecture is constructed according to a set of arrangements that are generally regarded as moral and functional under given circumstances. As a result, it provides political elites a platform from which to build a plan of action and gain legitimacy. The article not only shows how Voegelin’s ontology can be used to explain Zelensky’s 2019 presidential election victory but also highlights its interpretative advantages over competing analytical approaches from within the frameworks of institutionalism and behaviorism.

The Rhetoric of Hobbes's Translation of Thucydides

In several key passages in Thomas Hobbes's understudied translation of Thucydides's History of the Peloponnesian War, Hobbes's Pericles directs audiences to distrust rhetoric in favor of calculative self-interest, inward-focused affective states, and an epistemic reliance on sovereignty. Hobbes's own intervention via his translation of Thucydides involves similar rhetorical moves. By directing readers to learn from Thucydides, Hobbes conceals his own rhetorical appeals in favor of sovereignty while portraying rhetoric undermining sovereignty as manipulative, self-serving, and representative of the entire category of “rhetoric.” Hobbes's double redescription of rhetoric is an important starting point for an early modern project: appeals that justify a desired political order are characterized as “right reason,” “the law of nature,” or “enlightenment,” while rhetoric constituting solidarities or publics outside the desired order is condemned. Hobbes's contribution to this project theorizes rhetoric as a barrier to individual calculations of interest, placing a novel constraint on political life.

Two Ciceronian Traditions in the Aftermath of Machiavelli

This chapter examines two parallel tracks on which Cicero’s influence was set during the seventeenth century. On the one hand, new natural law philosophers, Hugo Grotius and Samuel von Pufendorf, sought to vindicate a political order based on Ciceronian natural law. But in doing so, they tended to diminish the role of the people as ultimately politically sovereign. At the same time, English republicans such as James Harrington and John Milton sought to reconcile Ciceronian and Machiavellian republicanism, while minimizing the place of natural law. In short, the two pillars of Cicero’s original republican formulation became bifurcated.

Prawo cywilne PRL — wybrane zagadnienia prawa autorskiego

The author, presenting in a limited way the results of research on the law of the Polish People’s Republic, discusses two institutions regulated in the 1952 Act on copyright — the compulsory license under art. 16 and 17 and the implementation of the Council of Ministers’s powers (resulting from art. 33 § 1) to determine the principles and rates of remuneration for authors and contract templates. In accordance with art. 33 § 2, in relation to the provisions of the contracts covered by them, they were absolutely binding. The first of them limited the protection of subjective “ownership” rights to works, enabling their specific, although limited by their function, “expropriation”, while the second resulted in a significant and real restriction of the freedom of contracts regarding the use and disposal of copyright to works. This analysis leads to the conclusion that adapting the law shaped in a different system and political realities — in this case, its specific “totalization” — does not require large-scale changes in the existing regulation. It is only enough to modify the institutions of fundamental importance for the implementation of the principles of a specific political order. At the same time, in the reality of the totalitarian state of the Polish People’s Republic, the acts issued on the basis of art. 33 of the Copyright Act of 1952 were the most important to fulfil the purpose of these principles.

ZAKI NAGUIB MAHMOUD’S THOUGHT ON IDEAL POLITICS (From Social-Criticism to Liberating-Nationalism)

The discourse on political dynamics in Islamic (Arabic) countries leaves a debate that will never end. One of the Muslim thinkers who contributed to the concept of Islamic politics was Zaki Naguib Mahmoud. Although he was not as popular as other thinkers, in the context of Islamic politics, the presence of Zaki's thoughts made Islamic political discourse more dynamic. Zaki offered some criticisms and conceptual proposals for political discourse, namely a political concept that is not only oriented to the struggle for power, but a political concept that liberates, prospers, and always tries to build a better order of life. Zaky was here to oppose the tyranny of power and the hegemony of the majority over the minority. For the Arabs, the realization of such a political vision is not impossible, considering that they have a noble heritage in the form of a spirit of nationalism rooted in the era of their predecessors. It is this spirit that should be able to establish political order and liberate the Arab country from backwardness, decline, and moral degradation.

Sore Losers: Does Terrorism and Approval of Terrorism Increase in Democracies When Election Losers Refuse to Accept Election Results?

A necessary component of peaceful democratic rule is the willingness of election losers to accept election defeats. When politicians and parties acknowledge defeat in democratic elections, they reinforce the peaceful transition of power that sustains political order. When election losers in democracies reject election results, the public’s confidence in democratic institutions is weakened, grievances and polarization abound, and the potential for violent mobilization grows. In this environment, terrorist activity is more likely. I test this proposition using cross-national time series panel data and within-country public opinion data for a wide set of democracies. I find that democracies experience significantly more domestic terrorist casualties when election losers reject election results. Moreover, I find that public willingness to tolerate and justify terrorism as a tactic increases in democratic countries where election losers reject election results.

Love Jihad and the Governance of Gender and Intimacy in Hindu Nationalist Statecraft

What role does the Islamophobic theory of “love jihad” play in the politics of Hindu nationalist statecraft—the legal codification of Hindu nationalist ideology—in India today? In this article, we address this question through a critical analysis of how the idea of “love jihad” relate to both (a) a conservative politics of governing gender and intimacy in which women are constituted as subjects of protection and (b) an authoritarian populism grounded in a foundational opposition between true Indians and their anti-national enemies within. The article begins by exploring how “love jihad” has transformed from an idea that was used to legitimize extra-legal violence by Hindu nationalist vigilantes to the status of law, with a particular focus on the BJP-ruled state of Uttar Pradesh. We then situate the “love jihad” laws in relation to a regime of gender governance that constitutes women as subjects of protection - and specifically protection by state and nation—and discuss how this resonates with a pervasive patriarchal common sense in Indian society. Finally, we show how “love jihad” laws and the wider conservative politics of gender and intimacy within which it is embedded feeds into the authoritarian politics of the Modi regime, in which Muslims are consistently portrayed as enemies of the Indian nation, and reflect on what this entails for the country’s secular political order.

States of conception: Renegotiating the mnemonic order amid crisis

A memory breach is an action, statement, or sociopolitical crisis that calls into dispute the mnemonic order, which is defined as an underlying orientation toward the past that serves to justify the political order and social order within a society. Following a memory breach, the society enters a “state of conception.” Related to the “state of exception” commonly associated with political crisis, the state of conception is a liminal space that follows a memory breach in which a society reexamines the mnemonic order. This article examines three recent memory breaches in Argentina, Germany, and the United States. By comparing three different breaches, each with different outcomes, it offers a framework for understanding memory breaches and the states of conception that they produce.