Post-modal Concessive Meanings: A Contrastive Corpus Study of French and German Modal Verbs

2021 ◽  
pp. 234-261
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 282-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Breitbarth ◽  
Sara Delva ◽  
Torsten Leuschner
Keyword(s):  

Based on a comparative corpus study, the present paper contrasts conditionals containing the modal verbs sollte in German, should in English, and mocht/moest in Dutch. The conditionals are examined with respect to the linkage levels between protasis and apodosis, the tense/mood patterns in the two clauses, and the degree of syntactic integration of the protasis into the apodosis. We argue that sollte, should, mocht, and moest are undergoing a process of grammaticalization as markers of conditionality, understood as upwards reanalysis in the hierarchy of functional projections. We show that this grammaticalization process is at different stages in the different languages, not showing any “sandwich”-like pattern.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dagmar Machová

Abstract The paper studies the degree of grammaticalization of the structures gotta, gonna, wanna and better. The study presumes that the semantics of these structures – more precisely their modal polyfunctionality (i.e. the ability to express deontic and epistemic meaning at the same time) – has an impact on their morphosyntactic properties. Using corpora (predominantly the British National Corpus and the Corpus of Contemporary American English) and web forums, the paper studies in detail the level of independence of gotta, gonna, wanna and better from their respective auxiliaries (have and be) and the development of the operator properties of these structures typical for central modals (i.e. inversion in questions, compatibility with clausal negation and occurrence in elliptical contexts). It demonstrates that gonna and gotta are partially grammaticalized, especially with respect to the independence of their auxiliaries, but they do not syntactically behave as modals. The verb wanna behaves as a modal morphologically but not syntactically. On the other hand, better is grammaticalized to a high degree, and it does demonstrate both the morphology and syntax of central modal verbs.


Author(s):  
Predrag Stevan Kovačević ◽  
Tanja Milićev ◽  
Ivana Đurić Paunović

The paper investigates the nature of syntactic variation in non-finite complements of modal verbs in Serbian. Specifically, we examine what factors may underlie the intra-speaker variation in the choice of infinitive over da+present, and how these differences can be represented structurally. The empirical data from a restricted corpus study confirm the observation from the literature that infinitive is often used for stylistic reasons and in impersonal contexts. What we have also found is that for the speaker infinitive is preferred with abstract or non-referential subjects, with stative complements and in the context of epistemic rather than deontic modals. We hypothesize that all the grammatical factors converge around the pivotal role of the subject in the two constructions. An account that predicts enough structural similarity between da+present and infinitive to allow virtual interchangeability, while postulating enough difference in terms of the role of the subject to accommodate the observed differences could, thus, be a good candidate to explain the observed phenomena.


2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabet Engdahl ◽  
Anu Laanemets

There are conflicting reports in the literature concerning whether the Scandinavian languages use prepositional passives as in English. Maling & Zaenen (1985) showed that Icelandic does not have the construction; instead the Icelandic data should be analyzed as topicalization of the complement of a preposition in impersonal passives. They suggested that the same account would be appropriate for Danish and Swedish, whereas Norwegian is reported to have a rather productive prepositional passive (Lødrup 1991). In order to find out to what extent and in what ways prepositional passives are actually used, we carried out a series of investigations in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish contemporary text corpora, analyzing over 3600 potential prepositional passives, with a balance of periphrastic and morphological passive forms. We have found that prepositional passives are indeed used in all three languages, but rather infrequently, ranging from 3.4 per million words (3.4/mw) in Swedish, 5/mw in Danish to 16/mw in Norwegian. The majority of the prepositional passives are periphrastic bli(ve)-passives. The passive subject is typically animate, a person or an animal, who is psychologically affected by the action, or the lack of action, expressed by the participle. The notion of affectedness that is relevant for these languages thus differs from what has been described for English. Prepositional s-passives are found in coordinated structures and in infinitival complements of modal verbs, a context known to favour s-passive.


Virittäjä ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 124 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anu Rouhikoski

Artikkelissa tarkastellaan nollapersoonaisen modaaliverbirakenteen käyttöä direktiivinä (esim. tämä hakemus pitäs vielä täyttää). Aineistona on 11,5 tuntia Kansaneläkelaitoksen eli Kelan toimistoissa videolle tallennettuja aitoja asiakaspalvelutilanteita, 131 yksittäistä tilannetta. Aineistossa esiintyvät neljä virkailijaa ovat noin 30-vuotiaita; asiakkaiden ikä vaihtelee noin 18 ja 80 vuoden välillä. Analyysi osoittaa, että nollapersoonan referenssi on ainakin muodollisesti avoin ja Kelan tilanteissa se usein kattaa sekä paikalla olevan asiakkaan että muut samassa tilanteessa olevat ihmiset. Siten nollapersoonalla ilmaistaan eksplisiittisesti, että kaikkia kohdellaan samoin säännöin eikä asiakkaalta vaadita mitään poikkeuksellista. Se ikään kuin perustelee itse itsensä. Modaaliverbi (esim. kannattaa, pitää, täytyä, voida) puolestaan tuo lausumaan jonkin keskustelun ulkoisen velvoitteen. Aineistossa nollapersoonaisia modaaliverbidirektiivejä käytetään usein silloin, kun virkailija ei käsittele itsestään selvänä, että asiakas tulee noudattamaan saamaansa direktiiviä, vaan direktiiviin liittyy epävarmuustekijöitä. Näitä ovat arkaluonteisuus, erilinjaisuus, toiminnon aiheuttama vaiva tai toiminnon uutuus vuorovaikutustilanteessa. Nollapersoonainen modaaliverbidirektiivi ottaa hienovaraisesti huomioon toimintoon liittyvät epävarmuustekijät mutta osoittaa silti toiminnon olevan tilanteessa tarpeellinen. Nollapersoonalausumia verrataan artikkelissa toiseen direktiivityyppiin, 2. persoonan modaaliverbilausumiin (esim. tää sun pitäs kuitenki täyttää vielä). Niissäkin modaaliverbi välittää tilanteen ulkopuolelta tulevan käskyn, mutta lausuma rajataan koskemaan ainoastaan yhtä asiakasta ja hänen velvollisuutensa tehdään näkyviksi. 2. persoonan modaaliverbidirektiiveillä annetaan yleensä lisäohjeita jo meneillään olevassa prosessissa tai toistetaan jokin jo annettu direktiivi. Lisäksi niitä käytetään yleensä vain silloin, kun asiakas on virkailijaa nuorempi, kun taas nollapersoonadirektiivejä esitetään kaikenikäisille asiakkaille.   Zero-person subjects and modal verbs in directives: a study of employees at the Social Insurance Institution of Finland  The article analyses the directive use of a Finnish zero person + modal verb construction, e.g. tämä hakemus pitäs vielä täyttää (‘one should fill in this application form’). The data comprises 11.5 hours of service encounters videotaped at the offices of the Social Insurance Institution of Finland (in Finnish: Kansaneläkelaitos = Kela), 131 encounters in total. The four employees in these encounters are all in their thirties, while their clients are between 18–80 years of age. The referent of a zero-person construction is formally open, and in the service encounters analysed here its referent is often not only the client but anyone else who finds themselves in a similar situation. Therefore, the zero person explicitly expresses the notion that all clients are treated in an equal manner. The modal verb (e.g. pitää, täytyä ‘must, have to, should’; voida ‘be able to’; kannattaa ‘be worthwhile’) denotes an obligation that comes from outside the situation at hand. The analysis of the data indicates that a zero person + modal verb construction is often used when the directive involves contingencies, such as delicacy, disalignment, imposition, or a previously undiscussed action. The zero person + modal verb construction displays the speaker’s orientation towards contingencies but also indicates the necessity of the action in question. The zero-person construction stands in contrast to another directive construction, that of the 2nd-person subject + modal verb (e.g. tää sun pitäs kuitenki täyttää vielä ‘you should still fill in this one’). The modal verb conveys an external obligation, but the 2nd-person pronoun refers to one sole person and makes explicit his/her responsibilities. This construction is mainly used when reformulating a previous directive or giving additional advice. Moreover, it is usually only used when addressing younger clients, whereas the zero-person construction is suitable to clients of all ages.


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