The Fierce Urgency of Now: Barack Obama and the 2008 Presidential Election

2010 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 203-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Rowland
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
2008 Presidential Election

George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Post-Conflict Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Post Conflict

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.

The dynamic political economy of support for Barack Obama during the 2008 presidential election campaign

2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Scotto ◽  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Jason Reifler ◽  
David Sanders ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

Barking Up the Wrong Tree: Why Bo Didn't Fetch Many Votes for Barack Obama in 2012

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (01) ◽  
pp. 49-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew L. Jacobsmeier ◽  
Daniel C. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
President Obama ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Dog Ownership ◽  
Key Variables ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Attitudes And Behavior ◽  
Levels Of Support

AbstractIn “The Dog that Didn't Bark: The Role of Canines in the 2008 Campaign,” Diana Mutz (2010) argues that dog ownership made voters significantly less likely to vote for Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election. We examine this claim further. Although President Obama has owned a dog since shortly after his 2008 election, we argue that Bo's presence most likely did little to improve his owner's chances of being reelected in 2012. Rather, the apparent significance of dog ownership uncovered by Mutz is due largely to key variables being omitted from the analysis. Using the same data, we show that Obama didn't so much have trouble with dog owners in 2008 as he had trouble with conservative, rural, Southern whites, who, for reasons we examine, are more likely than other Americans to own dogs. Accordingly, we suspect that Bo failed to boost Obama's vote tally in 2012. While we recognize the tongue-in-jowl tone of portions of Mutz's article, this tale is an important one, and is consistent with recent research linking racial attitudes to levels of support for Barack Obama. We also argue that while scholars are often wise to include control variables such as “South” in studies of political attitudes and behavior, it is important to consider the variety of politically relevant characteristics that such variables may be capturing.

THE ECONOMY AND THE PRESIDENTIAL VOTE IN 2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Robert S. Erikson ◽  
Christopher Wlezien
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Economic Indicators ◽  
Exact Equation ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Recent Trial ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Leading Economic Indicators ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
Made In

The October 2008 issue ofPSpublished a symposium of presidential and congressional forecasts made in the summer leading up to the election. This article is an assessment of the accuracy of their models.Prior to the 2008 presidential election we provided forecasts of the final vote relying on a model containing only two variables: (1) the cumulated weighted growth in leading economic indicators (LEI) through the thirteenth quarter of the sitting president's term; and (2) the incumbent party candidate's share in the most recent trial-heat polls. The novelty is the reliance on the advanced reading of the economy from the quarter ending in March of the election year. (The exact equation and the exact forecast change as the poll readings get closer to the election.) Our final forecast (Erikson and Wlezien 2008) based on trial-heat polls in August was that Barack Obama would win 52.2% of the two-party popular vote. This turned out to be quite close to the Election Day outcome of 53.5% (as of December 2), a little more than one percentage point above what we predicted.

scholarly journals The Newest Southerners: Generational Differences in Electoral Behavior in the Contemporary South

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-74
Author(s):  
Charles Prysby
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Generational Differences ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Electoral Behavior ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
White House ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Mitt Romney ◽  
Michael Dukakis

Young voters contributed disproportionately to Barack Obama’s presidential victory in 2012. In fact, if the electorate had been limited to those over 30 years old, Mitt Romney might be in the White House today. Obama captured 60 percent of the vote of those under 30, compared to 49 percent of those over 30, according to the national exit polls (Schier and Box- Steffensmeier 2013, 86). A similar pattern characterized the 2008 presidential election: Obama won 66 percent of the vote among those aged 29 or less, but under one-half of voters older than 45 (Pomper 2010, 53). The tendency for younger voters to be disproportionately Democratic emerged in the 2004 presidential election. Prior to that, Democratic presidential candidates did not consistently do better among younger voters. In 2000, for example, Al Gore did as well among older voters as he did among younger voters, and in 1992, Bill Clinton did his best among older voters, as did Walter Mondale in 1984 and Michael Dukakis in 1988 (Pomper 2001, 138; Pomper 1989, 133). 

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