Beyond the Balance of Power: France and the Politics of National Security in the Era of the First World War, by Peter Jackson

2015 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-168
Author(s):  
Martin Horn
Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 241-248
Author(s):  
Traian Sandu

Relations between Serbia and Romania throughout the war are viewed from the standpoint of the two countries' rivaling claims on the Banat and within the framework of power balance in the Allied camp with an emphasis on the position of the Romanian government and statesmen. Obviously, Romania's position was more favourable during the first two war years as the Allies sought to win her over for the Entente. Thus the Banat was included in compensations for her entering the war on the side of the Allies. Romania's defeat, however, produced a complete shift in the balance of power, with Romania now in an unenviable position, especially following the breach of the Salonica Front in September 1918. From the Romanian perspective, the Banat's destiny also depended on divergent political positions on the domestic scene. The fate of the Banat was eventually decided by the advancing Serbian army which took the whole territory, though under French command. The final decision became a responsibility of the Paris Peace Conference.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Cassels

At the close of World War I two schools of thought about the future conduct of international relations emerged into plain view. On the one hand, the traditionalists presumed that the principles and practices of pre-1914 diplomacy could and should be sustained. This implied a routine of continual competition among the sovereign nation states, the anarchy of which was mitigated only by the collective fear of hegemony by one state (the mechanism of the balance of power) and by a sense of belonging to a common civilization (the old Concert of Europe). Tacitly accepted as the final arbiter of vital questions was the instrument of war. On the other hand, the First World War had provided ample grounds for a swingeing critique of Realpolitik when practised in an age of mass armies and technological warfare.


1950 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quincy Wright

Few persons who look at the world thoughtfully are complacent. It is difficult to believe that the balance of power will become more stable. Quite the contrary! A degree of bi-polarity in world politics has been reached which compels each of the opposing groups to bend its efforts to bring the remaining neutrals into its orbit and to augment its power. If the war which each regards as a possibility should come, each wants to be sure that it will not be the loser. The race in atomic weapons and armaments of all kinds is on and experience suggests, as in the rivalries between sections before the American Civil War and the rivalries between alliances before the first World War, that such a race will eventuate in war.There is no balancer in a bi-polar world, nor are there uncommitted powers which may cast their lot on one side or the other in a crisis. The process of nucleation about the two poles makes prediction of the power potential of each more and more feasible. It becomes increasingly clear to one side that time is with it and to the other that time is against it. Under such circumstances each expects war and it can be anticipated that the side which becomes convinced that time is against it will start the war. Fortunately there are still many unknown variables in the present situation. No precise calculation is yet possible, though it may be in the course of a few years. However, if war comes, there are few who doubt that atomic weapons would be used and that the human race would face disaster.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Ailise Bulfin ◽  
Harry Wood

The Introduction prefaces a double special issue of Critical Survey examining the work of controversial popular author, journalist and amateur spy William Le Queux from 1880 to 1920. Known as the ‘master of mystery’, Le Queux was prominent in transmitting exaggerated fears about British national security before, during and after the First World War. The Introduction provides a historical and literary framework for the special issue and outlines its central premises: that cultural production in Le Queux’s era was intimately connected with contemporary socio-political forces; that this relationship was well understood by authors such as Le Queux, and often exploited for propagandist purposes; and that the resulting literary efforts were sometimes successful in influencing public opinion. The Introduction also outlines the overall finding that Le Queux’s work tended to distort his subject matter, misinform his readership, and blur the lines between fact and fiction in pursuit of his defencist agenda.


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