Economic Liberalization, Political Instability, and State Capacity in Venezuela

2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Di John
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bassam Yousif

This article studies Iraq's recent economic development. It views development as a process mediated by institutions and driven by the attainment of human capabilities and capacities, including state capacity. This approach departs from the two prevalent sets of models that have been used to explain Iraq's lacklustre economic performance: theories that highlight the negative effects of oil on economic outcomes as well as those that stress the importance of the, often formulaic, application of policies that advocate economic liberalization and marketization. This study posits that many of Iraq's economic difficulties, including those of the provision of public services and realizing investment, are best comprehended as the result of prolonged institutional decline and decay in human capabilities, especially since 1990. What is more, the article contests some basic maxims concerning Iraq's recent economic history. For example, the post-2003 era is viewed primarily as a continuation of the sanctions period to the extent that it has been characterized by continued deterioration in both human capabilities and economic institutions, despite radically changed political and economic arrangements.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shepherd Mutsvara

Economic liberalization has become a serious form of economic persecution which international law should take into consideration when assessing asylum claims. This is because the emergence of economic refugees is a direct result of globalization, a phenomenon not anticipated by the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of refugees. Economic refugees are thus labeled as undeserving and yet most refugees hail from countries where economic failure, political instability, poverty, and persecution are indissolubly linked.


2009 ◽  
pp. 75-84
Author(s):  
V. Popov

Why have many transition economies succeeded by pursuing policies which are so different from the radical economic liberalization (shock therapy) that is normally credited for the economic success of countries of Central Europe? First, optimal policies are context dependent, they are specific for each stage of development and what worked in Slovenia cannot be expected to work in Mongolia. Second, even for the countries with the same level of development reforms that are necessary to stimulate growth are different; they depend on the previous history and on the path chosen. The reduction of government expenditure as a share of GDP did not undermine significantly the institutional capacity of the state in China, but in Russia and other CIS countries it turned out to be ruinous. The art of the policymaker is to create markets without causing government failure, as happened in many CIS countries.


Romanticism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Katie Holdway

In his famously disparaging poetic retorts to the poetry of the British Della Cruscan movement, the Baviad and Mæviad, Tory satirist William Gifford made every effort to separate the readers of Della Cruscan poetry into two distinct audiences: Della Cruscan ‘writer-readers’ who read and actively responded to pieces written by other members of the coterie with poetry of their own, and the non-participating mass audience. According to Gifford, this latter audience – metonymized as ‘the Town’ in the Baviad – ignorantly follows the whims of fashion, absorbing Della Cruscan poetry, but never actually responding to it. Through an analysis of both Della Cruscan poetry and Gifford's retorts, this essay aims to re-establish the links between these two kinds of audiences. I will argue that Gifford's attempts to suppress these links stemmed from a deep-seated fear – fuelled by post-Revolutionary political instability – that the Della Cruscan coterie offered a platform whereby members of the mass reading audience could join their poetic conversations pseudonymously, and ultimately be granted a voice, regardless of their gender or political affiliations.


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