Some Determinants of Crime Reporting Among Economic and Financial Crime Victims: The Case of Azerbaijan

2021 ◽  
pp. 2631309X2110379
Author(s):  
Ingilab Shahbazov ◽  
Zaur Afandiyev ◽  
Ayshem Balayeva

Relatively limited attention has been paid by scholars to explore the crime reporting behavior of white-collar crime victims, especially in developing countries, such as Azerbaijan, where some forms of white-collar crimes are widespread. Using the dataset of the first nationwide victimization survey (n = 1,214) in Azerbaijan, the current paper attempts to explore the determinants of crime reporting among 4 specific white-collar offense (fraud, request for bribery, sale of unsafe good and sale of unsafe food for consumption) among randomly selected, yet unrepresentative subsample of victims (n = 186). Offenses were categorized in two groups for analysis—financial/economic offenses and non-financial/economic offenses, hence two models in a binary logistic regression analysis. The results indicate that the extent of financial loss predicts the crime reporting behavior for victims of financial offenses. Those with a higher level of the perceived probability of being victimized by a violent crime were more likely to have notified the authorities of their victimization. Applicable for non-financial crimes only, the level of income has an inverse association with a decision to invoke the law. The relationship of a victim to an offender predicted a decision to contact the authorities—cases in which the offender was identified as a stranger were less likely to be reported to the law enforcement authorities than cases in which the offender had not been identified. No socio-demographic variable has a predictive capacity for either crime category. In addition, as the main motives for not mobilizing the law, almost half of the cases have been resolved in between the offender and victims, such as through compensation. The findings have several theoretical implications for white-collar crime literature. Suggestions for further research, as well as the limitations, are discussed toward the end of the paper.

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (01) ◽  
pp. 1450001
Author(s):  
Petter Gottschalk

The white-collar crime attorney is a lawyer who is competent in general legal principles and in the substantive and procedural aspects of the law related to upper-class financial crime. Based on a sample of 310 convicted white-collar criminals and their defence lawyers, this paper presents results from statistical analysis of relationships between crime characteristics and defence characteristics to predict lawyer fame. Statistical regression analysis was applied to the sample, where amount of crime money and years in prison represent crime characteristics, while number of client cases and lawyer income represent defence characteristics. About 91% of the variation in attorney fame is explained by these four independent variables.


2007 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Wilson ◽  
Sarah Wilson

The Fraud Bill, which received Royal Assent on 8 November 2006, created an offence of fraud in English criminal law which marks a departure of utmost significance from the approach adopted hitherto, whereby a number of related offences cover behaviour deemed to amount to fraud. To mark the passage of the Fraud Act 2006 into law, this article examines the references which were made during its consideration in Parliament to fraud as activity which is serious and which is often erroneously portrayed as ‘victimless' crime. In joining these key criminal policy-making debates with academic study of white-collar crime, it will be suggested that as yet too little attention is being paid to ‘ambiguous' popular perceptions of financial crimes for there to be confidence that the fraud offence will, in the words of the current Solicitor-General, ‘get the law right’.


Author(s):  
Nataliya O. Gutorova

The Professor of the Law Institute of Poltava Nataliya O. Gutorova analyses quite a sensitive issue for society – white-collar crime in Ukraine, defining the optimally probable model of criminal liability. The white-collar shadow economy level is rather high in Ukraine – 45.96 % of the GDP and correlates with the respective data of Nigeria. The author’s approach can be related to two aspects: first, prevent excessive criminalization activities; second, effectively punish white-collar criminals. Poltavas Tiesību institūta profesore Natālija Gutorova (Nataliya O. Gutorova) analizē sociāli visai sensitīvu problēmu – t. s. balto apkaklīšu noziedzību Ukrainā, izzinot iespējamo kriminālatbildības optimālo modeli. Ar baltajām apkaklītēm saistītais ēnu ekonomikas līmenis Ukrainā ir visai augsts – 45,96 % no IKP un ir tuvs atbilstošam Nigērijas rādītājam. Autores pieeja ir attiecināma uz diviem aspektiem: pirmkārt, novērst darbību pārlieku kriminalizāciju; otrkārt, efektīvi sodīt baltās apkaklītes par noziegumiem.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Syahdi Buamona

this paper analyzes several problems, namely what is the white collar crime and how the white collar crime in criminal law enforcement. using the method used is normative juridical as for the results of the research, first, white collar crime is basically done by certain people who have a position, occupation, and position and are well-known in the life of society. The officials actually use their power in the wrong way, without paying attention to the impact on society and the country. Second, in the aspect of criminal law enforcement, white-collar crime is a crime in a position offense as a criminal event committed by people who work for a government bureaucracy and / or cooperate with other people. As a result of their actions, as well as criminal acts of corruption will be detrimental to state finances and declared an act that violates the law, both in the form of violations and crimes regulated by law.


1994 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Chijioke Okoli

The criminal liability of corporations in Nigeria is an often neglected or forgotten aspect of the law, even in many of those cases where its consideration is ordinarily required. The reason for this anomaly is essentially two-fold. Firstly, the concept of distinct corporate personality remains a fiction to most Nigerians. At least in practical terms, even lawyers and members of the business community do not readily conceive the concept as going so far as a limited liability company being criminally liable. And as a matter of fact, the emphatic judicial affirmation of the concept is of relatively recent origin. Even then, the leading Nigerian text on criminal law states that its “exact extent is a matter of some doubt” and “await[s] clear definition”. The second reason is that those crimes for which corporations are most likely to be liable, in the main, are necessarily white-collar in nature. It is a self-evident fact that the attitude of organs of the state to the prevention and prosecution of white-collar offences is generally lukewarm. The pervasive corruption of the Nigerian society, a veritable point of agreement amongst analysts of diverse persuasions and disciplines, is to a considerable extent both the offspring as well as a manifestation of this cavalier attitude to white-collar crime. The result has been the danger of the law on corporate criminal liability falling into desuetude.


Author(s):  
David Weisburd ◽  
Elin Waring ◽  
Ellen F. Chayet

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Allard R. Feddes ◽  
Kai J. Jonas

Abstract. LGBT-related hate crime is a conscious act of aggression against an LGBT citizen. The present research investigates associations between hate crime, psychological well-being, trust in the police and intentions to report future experiences of hate crime. A survey study was conducted among 391 LGBT respondents in the Netherlands. Sixteen percent experienced hate crime in the 12 months prior. Compared to non-victims, victims had significant lower psychological well-being, lower trust in the police and lower intentions to report future hate crime. Hate crime experience and lower psychological well-being were associated with lower reporting intentions through lower trust in the police. Helping hate crime victims cope with psychological distress in combination with building trust in the police could positively influence future reporting.


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