Sex and Gender Bias in Self-Report Personality Disorder Inventories: Item Analysis of the MCMI-II, MMPI, and PDQ-R

1995 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen A. Lindsay ◽  
Thomas A. Widiger
Author(s):  
Shana D Stites ◽  
Hannah Cao ◽  
Kristin Harkins ◽  
Jason D Flatt

Abstract Objective Differences between men and women are common in published research on aging and Alzheimer’s disease and Alzheimer’s disease and related dementias (AD/ADRD). What do these differences mean? To answer this, rigorous measurement is needed. We investigated current methods for measuring sex/gender in aging and AD/ADRD cohort studies. Method An online survey was sent to NIA-funded Alzheimer’s Disease Research Centers (ADRCs) (n=38) and investigator-initiated cohort studies (n=38) to assess practices around enrollment of men and women and measurement of sex and gender. Results The response rate was 65.8% (n=50). All enrolled men and all but two investigator-initiated studies enrolled women. Most cohorts (43/50) had no documented definitions for categories of “men” or “women”. Over 85% of cohorts relied solely on self-report questions to capture sex/gender data (n=43/50). Issues with administration were also identified (n=7). Discussion Our findings identify gaps in current approaches used to measure sex and gender in aging and AD/ADRD research. We discuss opportunities to bridge these gaps and advance measurement of sex and gender in aging and AD/ADRD research. Changes are needed to ensure inclusion and representation of sociocultural diversity in research samples, and consistency in data collection in aging and AD/ADRD research.


Author(s):  
Dana Peterson

Sex and gender are often conflated, but there are important distinctions between the two. This is true also with terms related to gender identity, including masculinities and femininities or the performance of gender. In addition, the terms gang and gang member are contested, so it is important to establish a basis for understanding these terms in order to discuss the relationships between gender and gang involvement. Historically, gang-involved young women and men were described in terms of gender extremes, with scholarship and journalistic accounts focusing on the perceived aggressive masculinity of lower class males—and the deviant sexuality of females, who were rarely seen as legitimate full-fledged members of those groups. By the 1980s and 1990s, young women were recognized in scholarship as “real” gang members, and qualitative researchers sought to provide voice to them and examine issues of gender and gender dynamics in gangs, while quantitative researchers sought to explore similarities and differences between girls and boys in gangs, often through large scale studies using self-report surveys of adolescents. Feminist criminology and burgeoning queer criminology have pushed and blurred the boundaries of gender and gang involvement, asserting the importance of taking into account multiple, intersecting identities that differentially structure the experiences of young people, and of the troubling heteronormative, heterosexist, and cisgendered assumptions that have permeated criminology. Moving away from these assumptions means accounting, for example, not only for gender but also for the multiplicative effects of race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, ability, etc.; it means considering what the presence of young women in stereotypically hypermasculine environments signifies for gender performance, moving away from assumptions of opposite sex attraction that cast females in supportive and dependent roles with males, and accounting for the experiences of gang members who identify outside gender and sexual orientation binaries. These issues provide fruitful avenues for sensitive and productive future scholarship on gender and gang involvement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 218-223
Author(s):  
Manon van Daal ◽  
Maaike E. Muntinga ◽  
Sandra Steffens ◽  
Annemie Halsema ◽  
Petra Verdonk

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