Interrupting “The Sadist’s Gaze”

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-240
Author(s):  
Sandrine Sanos

Abstract This article proposes that returning Denise Riley’s work on (and troubling of) the category of “women” offers a feminist theorizing and politics that remains both critical and relevant to the political present. It argues that reading Riley again, alongside other anti-essentialist feminist thinkers, reveals the distinctiveness, force, and capaciousness of her project, which lay in her attention to historicity, form, language, and affect. It is precisely the poetics of Riley’s feminist thought that sustain the critical orientation that must animate feminism’s utopian desires.

Author(s):  
Sina Kramer

In Chapter 8, I discuss how I came to the question of constitutive exclusion in the aftermath of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Drawing on both Afro-pessimist and Latina feminist thought, I outline a pluralist political ontology as a response to the political ontologies presumed by and reinscribed through constitutive exclusion. Reconstitution, rather than mere inclusion, would be necessary to respond adequately to constitutive exclusion. And I argue for a recognition of our selves as multiple and constituted by each other—a possibility implicit in the critical account of the book, and explicitly developed in practice by #BlackLivesMatter and allied activist organizations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030913252091157
Author(s):  
Louise Amoore

This article introduces a virtual theme issue dedicated to the intersection of feminist and political geographies. Through a tracing of feminist thought in human geography across the 25 year period of 1993 to 2018, via the debates in Progress in Human Geography, what comes into view is a treatment of politics and the political that yields an alternative genealogy of political geography. Feminist work has advanced a fundamental critique of what has come to count as politics in human geography. Drawing on Judith Butler’s concept of the ‘merely cultural’, I suggest that a continued annexing of the ‘merely feminist’ has rendered alternative vocabularies of the political and different scales of politics as supplements to that which is registered as politics within political geography.


Meridians ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (S1) ◽  
pp. 439-462
Author(s):  
Jennifer C. Nash

Abstract This article studies love as a distinct, transformative, and radical Black feminist politic. By closely sitting with the work of Alice Walker, June Jordan, and Audre Lorde, this article treats love-politics as another political tradition that has emerged from within the parameters of Black feminist thought, one that challenges the political tradition most closely associated with Black feminist thought: intersectionality.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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