Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

scholarly journals PEOPLE, CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-43
Author(s):  
Luís Guilherme Nascimento de Araujo ◽  
Claudio Everaldo Dos Santos ◽  
Elizabeth Fontoura Dorneles ◽  
Ionathan Junges ◽  
Nariel Diotto ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Resistance Movements ◽  
Brazilian Society ◽  
The Press ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military

The political and economic crises faced today, evidenced by the manifestos of political parties and the texts published in social networks and in the press, point to Brazilian society the possibility of different directions, including that of an autocratic regime, with the return of the military to the public sphere. This article discusses the movements of acceptance and resistance to the military regime that was implemented in Brazil with the coup of 1964. It is observed that the military uprising received at that time the support of a large part of the Brazilian population, which sought ways to maintain its socioeconomic status to the detriment of a majority that perceived itself vulnerable in view of the forms of maintenance and expansion of power used by the regime. In this context, Tropicalism emerges as an example of a contesting movement. This text approaches the song "Culture and civilization" by Gilberto Gil, performed by Gal Costa, relating the ideas present in this composition with the understandings of politics and culture, in a multidisciplinary proposal, seeking to understand the resistance and counter-resistance movements that emerged in Brazil at the time.

scholarly journals “Do not deem the measures taken as violence...”: public charity and governance in Transbaikal during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-89
Author(s):  
Elena Sevostyanova ◽  
Olesya Ul'yanova
Keyword(s):  
Living Standards ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Methodological Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Functional Relationships ◽  
Habitual Activity ◽  
Psychological Pressure ◽  
The Military

The object of this research is the regional charity and its transformation after February 1917, while the subject is the public charity in Transbaikal during the Civil War and political regime of the ataman G. Semenov. The research relies on the archival sources and periodical press materials. Using the systematic methodological principle, the topic is viewed in strong correlation with the events that unfolded in the society, taking into account structural, genetic, and functional relationships. The article is divided into parts, each of which reflects one of the facets of the articulated problem: disastrous fall in living standards of the population, household difficulties and psychological state peculiarities; crisis of the system of state care and collapse of the imperial system of organized public charity; public initiatives in the sphere of charity (forms, main recipients); “techniques” for encouraging charity used by the administration of the ataman G. Semenov. The conclusion is made that charitable activity overall during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov retained. This was important, particularly in the conditions of declining living standards and growing number of destitute people, given that the circle of those eligible for receiving welfare has reduced, including for ideological reasons. The main recipients of public charity remained the orphans. Charity events for the own benefit, conducted by the educational institutions and ethnic diasporas, became a noticeable trend. The charity evenings for supporting the military, which in the early going appeared to be unregulated by Semenov’s administration, were prohibited. The authorities, interested in retaining public charity, often resorted to coercive measures fort its stimulation, including threats to habitual activity of the residents. The population was actively forced to donate for the army. The article reveals the methods of psychological pressure and coercion applied to population for participating in charity activities.

scholarly journals Social Media as Valuable Anti-Corruption Assets in the Public Sphere in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
B. Babasanya ◽  
L. Ganiyu ◽  
U. F. Yahaya ◽  
O. E. Olagunju ◽  
S. O. Olafemi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Public ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Individual

The issue of corruption in Nigeria has assumed a monumental dimension in such a way that it has become a household song and practice. Thus, adopting a rhetoric definition may not be appropriate instead a succinct description will suffice. The dimension of corruption is monumental because it started from pre-independence in the First republic with the first major political figure found culpable and investigated in 1944 and reach its peak recently with the evolvement of ‘godfatherism’ in the political landscape of the country. Therefore, corruption in Nigeria is more or less a household name. Using Social Responsibility Media Theory as a guide, this paper undertakes an examination of the right of the media to inform the public, serve the political system by making information, discussion and consideration of public affairs generally accessible, and to protect the rights of the individual by acting as watchdog over the governments. This discourse analysis is backed up with the presentation of documented materials on tracking corruption through the use of social media. Since the use of mainstream media only is disadvantageous owing to its demand-driven nature, social media stands as a veritable and result-orientated asset in tracking corruption across the public sphere. This paper found that complimented with mainstream media, social media and civic journalism have exposed corrupt tendencies of contractors and public office holders including the political class in the provision and handling of infrastructural development projects thereby make public officials accountable and create an open access to good governance.

scholarly journals Television and politcs: Spain and France

Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomás Pedroso-Herrera
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Important Conclusion ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Service Broadcasting ◽  
Economic Profit ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion

The television has turned into the center of the reflections of the contemporary societies due to its presence and power. The political class from different countries has elaborated a series of documents that offer solutions to the problems raised by the use of the television. The Council of Europe in 1986 suggested in the document «The future of public service broadcasting» that the television had to serve for the democratic and cultural development of the Europeans. The French Senate elaborated another document («L'entrée dans the société of l'information») in 1996 in which it was warned that the television did not have to be ruled only by the market and that it had to be controlled for the state. The Spanish government entrusted a report («Informe para la reforma de los medios de comunicación de titularidad del estado») to several intellectual for the restructuring of the public audio-visual sector. The most important conclusion consists of the fact that the purpose of this sector is the public service that must not be measured up exclusively for the economic profit. La televisión se ha convertido en el gran referente social y cultural de las sociedades contemporáneas. Idolatrada y denostada a partes iguales, ocupa gran parte del tiempo de los ciudadanos de las sociedades avanzadas. No hay clase social o cultural que se sustraiga a la seducción de las imágenes y mediatiza la vida de adultos y jóvenes en la misma medida. Pero, incluso reconociendo todas las virtudes que este avance tecnológico tiene, la televisión se ha convertido en la caja de Pandora a la que todo el mundo culpa de la mayor parte de los males que aquejan a los ciudadanos. Intelectuales, filósofos, comunicólogos, profesores, sociólogos, padres y madres reflexionan sobre el poder de la televisión. Y las conclusiones a las que arriban son bien distintas. En una nueva versión de «apocalípticos» o «integrados» hay una frontera que separa a los que resaltan lo bueno del medio (sus posibilidades de conocer el mundo en directo, sus usos en educación, su capacidad para entretener y divertir…) y los que opinan que el conocimiento superficial, la incultura y el aburrimiento se introducen en el seno de las familias por medio de este ingenio tecnológico cada día más perfeccionado. La reflexión ha llegado hasta el punto de interesar a la clase política que ha percibido que debe dar respuesta a todos los interrogantes que plantean los ciudadanos: ¿Hay manipulación informativa en todas las televisiones (públicas y privadas)? ¿Es realmente necesario que existan televisiones públicas? ¿Cómo deben ser financiadas estas televisiones públicas? ¿Es necesario regular el sector o es preferible dejarlo según las necesidades del mercado? En este sentido ha habido en Europa dos interesantes intentos por regular (o no) la televisión. Así el Senado francés a finales de 2002 emitió un documento que era al mismo tiempo reflexión y advertencia: por un lado se indagaba en el peso que las nueva cultura de la información tenía sobre el ciudadano, haciendo especial hincapié en la televisión, y por otro se concluía que era necesario un cierto control que tuviera como consecuencia una televisión de calidad. De la misma manera en 2004, el gobierno de Rodríguez Zapatero reunió lo que se vino en llamar un «consejo de sabios» para que reflexionara y apuntara soluciones sobre el fenómeno televisivo. Sobre los contenidos de ambos documentos, sobre sus consejos y sobre las soluciones apuntadas trata la presente comunicación.

Is the Political Class Corrupt?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ron Formisano
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Public

Is the political class corrupt or decent and just “well dressed”? Among the public, the perception of corruption persists.

Technological Illusions and Educational Resistances

2016 ◽  
pp. 428-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Villanueva-Mansilla
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Public ◽  
One Laptop Per Child ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One

OLPC, the One Laptop Per Child initiative, was accepted by just a few countries, including Peru. The largest acquisition of computers has produced a fairly low impact in education and is now being quietly phased-out. Peru's government decision to adopt the computers, back in 2007, was not contested or questioned by the political class, the media or even teachers, with just a rather small number of specialists arguing against it. This chapters discussed the political and argumentative processes that brought OLPC into the public sphere, through the use of a specific narrative, that of hackerism, i.e., the hacker attitude towards computers, and how social and political validation resulted in adoption. An assessment of the process of framing OLPC as a hacker product and the perils of such reasoning lead to discuss the need for a counter-narrative about the role of computers in society.

Spanish Democracy and 15-M

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Cristina Flesher Fominaya
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Collective Actors ◽  
Bank Bailouts

Chapter 1, “Spanish Democracy and 15-M,” explores the political opportunities provided by the historical, cultural, and economic context in which the movement emerged. It argues that translating economic grievances into sustained mobilization and protest requires the concerted effort of collective actors, as the variance in levels of mobilization across different European countries similarly affected by the crisis/austerity shows. It shows how in Spain one of the key strategies of the 15-M movement was to contest hegemonic narratives about the inevitability of the crisis and austerity, and the necessity of passing the costs of private bank bailouts onto the public. By framing the “democratic deficit” (i.e., the corrupt and uncaring political class) as responsible for both the crisis and its effects, the movement provided a powerful impetus for mobilization against both the economic-financial crisis and the legitimation crisis of “really existing” democracy. This ability to mobilize counter-hegemonic narratives helps explain different collective responses to similar material and political contexts; in other words, it helps make sense of why effective contestation can be found in some contexts (e.g., Spain) but not in others hit equally as hard (e.g., Ireland).

scholarly journals Socio-political Turmoil in Mali: The Public Debate following the Coup d'État on 22 March 2012

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 111-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sten Hagberg ◽  
Gabriella Körling
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Public ◽  
The North ◽  
Intense Mass ◽  
Political Turmoil

During the night between 21 and 22 March 2012, a group of young military officers overthrew Mali's president, Amadou Toumani Touré. The group justified the coup by citing the inability of the regime to both deal with the crisis in the North and provide the army with the appropriate material and manpower to defend the national territory. The coup plunged Mali into violence, and caused a de facto partition of the country. The socio-political turmoil pitting different political and armed factions against each other has continued unabated and has been accompanied by intense mass media debates. In this report we focus on the Malian public debate. By looking at the political class, the international community, and the partition of the country, we analyse representations and stereotypes prevailing in this debate.

Military parade in Mali: understanding Malian politics through spectacle

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-235
Author(s):  
Alioune Sow
Keyword(s):  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Field Observations ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis essay argues that the Independence Day's military parade in Mali has become a strategic site to negotiate fragile military and civil relations, and a repository to promote social change through the military experience. Drawing on field observations of the parade of the 50th anniversary of Independence in Bamako and the literature on political transitions, this essay demonstrates that military parades constitute meaningful sites for alternative engagements with democratic transitions. It examines the tactics and mechanisms deployed by the Malian national army to negotiate past human rights violations and authoritarian practices, as well as to seek the army's rehabilitation following the collapse of the military regime. By analysing military parades as a form and practice consolidating the ‘social contract’ between the army and the public after the political transition, this article contributes to the scholarship on transition and the study of military parades within the African continent.

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