The award promotion for the members of the accounting and loan committees at the branches of the State Bank of Vladimir Province

This article is devoted to the award promotion for the members of the accounting and loan committees at the branches of the State Bank of Vladimir Province. The consequences of the reforms of Emperor Alexander II included the development of the Russian economy and the formation of a commercial and industrial bourgeoisie. Within it, stable and large industrial dynasties arose. For many representatives of these dynasties in post-reform Russia, the established reputation meant honest businessmen who valued their position in society and sought to increase their merits before it. It is to this category of entrepreneurs that the State Bank of the Russian Empire drew attention to during the organisation of the accounting and loan committees for the development of lending of industry and trade in the post-reform period. This decision of the State Bank served as the basis for the formation of the future institute of public-private partnership in the national economy of the Empire. This topic has already been developed in the research activities of the authors of the article. In this publication, it is viewed through the system of the state awards, as a form of recognition of the merits of the entrepreneurs of Vladimir Province in successful cooperation with the branches of the State Bank in Vladimir and Ivanovo-Voznesensk. For their useful activities, the State Bank presented the members of the committees to be awarded with various awards – the civil medals for the wearing on the neck or the chest, the orders on the ribbons, the coronation medals and the honorary titles. The practice of the presenting of the members of the committees to the awarding of the medals and orders is confirmed by examples from the documents of the State archives of Vladimir and Ivanovo regions. The conclusion about the work of the accounting and loan committees at the branches of the State Bank on the basis of the institution of the state-private partnership is drawn.

Ricardian theory of rent as interpreted by Sieber

The article deals with the Ricardian theory of rent as interpreted by one of the first Russian Marxists, Nikolai Sieber. Sieber made great efforts to popularize Marxʼs ideas in Russia. He believed it was his mission to make complex theoretical constructions of Marxism simpler and more understandable for the majority of readers. Sieber began his way to Marxism with the study and translation of the writings on classical political economy by D. Ricardo. Furthermore, Sieber’s texts focus on a wide range of opinions on land rent presented in the works of Russian and foreign economists of the XIX–XX centuries. This article also pays considerable attention to the political aspects of rent, which are perhaps crucial to the issue of rent. This is due to the fact that rent has been and remains an important tool for the redistribution of national income and, therefore, is an element of the political structure. Ricardian theory of rent came into being during the debate over high bread duties in England and was, in fact, an instrument of struggle against landowners who received rental super profits because of high grain prices. Subsequently, this theory was considered as a tool of struggle against the industrial bourgeoisie, which caused its fierce criticism from the apologists of the bourgeoisie.

O USO DO FUTEBOL COMO ESTRATÉGIA DE CONTROLE * THE USE OF FOOTBALL AS A CONTROL STRATEGY

O caso do futebol é emblemático. Faz-se necessário entender como o brasileiro se apropriou do esporte, como que o tomando das camadas mais abastadas que o introduziram no país. Mesmo com as tentativas de coibição da prática, a apropriação se deu. Nas primeiras décadas do século XX, o movimento operário brasileiro postou-se de forma ruidosa. Apesar da ação repressiva governamental, a nascente burguesia industrial brasileira, inquieta diante das mobilizações sindicais proletárias, teria feito uso de mecanismos menos duros como apoiar e financiar o esporte que caíra nas graças operárias: o futebol.*The case of football is emblematic. It is necessary to understand how the Brazilian took possession of the sport, as if taking it from the more affluent layers that introduced it in the country. Even with attempts to curb practice, appropriation has taken place. In the first decades of the twentieth century, the Brazilian labor movement was noisy. Despite the government's repressive action, the nascent Brazilian industrial bourgeoisie, worried about the proletarian trade union mobilizations, would have made use of less harsh mechanisms such as supporting and financing the sport that had fallen into the workers' graces: soccer.

A política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical blocA política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical bloc

O ciclo de governos progressistas no Brasil, que começou com a eleição de Lula em 2002 e terminou com a derrubada de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, foi responsável por uma política externa autônoma que procurou reposicionar o país e a América do Sul no sistema internacional. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) lideraram uma coalizão produtivista heterogênea formada por frações da burguesia industrial e setores das classes trabalhadoras. Lula teve um papel importante na criação da Unasul, que constitui a dimensão política do regionalismo sul-americano. A ruptura da ordem democrática levou ao poder uma coalizão conservadora que reunificou as elites empresariais e alterou a orientação da política externa. A coalizão liderada pelo MDB-PSDB tem adotado uma política externa que subordinou o Brasil à potência hegemônica e vem contribuindo para a paralisia e a desconstrução da Unasul enquanto bloco geopolítico.ABSTRACTThe cycle of progressive governments in Brazil, which begun with Lula’s election in 2002 and ended with the overthrow of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, was responsible for an autonomous foreign policy that sought to reposition the country and South America in the international system. The Workers Party’s (PT) governments led a heterogeneous productivist coalition made up of fractions of the industrial bourgeoisie and sectors of the working classes. Lula played an important role in the creation of Unasur, which is the political dimension of South American regionalism. The rupture of the democratic order brought to power a conservative coalition that reunified the business elites and changed the orientation of foreign policy. The coalition led by MDB-PSDB has adopted a foreign policy that subordinated Brazil to the hegemonic power and has contributed to the paralysis and the deconstruction of Unasur as a geopolitical bloc.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; coalizões políticas; UnasulKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; political coalitions; UnasurRecebido em 6 de Julho de 2018 | Received on July 6, 2018Aceito em 6 de Setembro de 2018 | Accepted on September 6, 2018

The American Civil War Considered as a Bourgeois Revolution

The discussion of the American Civil War as a bourgeois revolution, reopened by John Ashworth’s recent work, needs to be based on a more explicit conceptualisation of what the category does, and does not, involve. This essay offers one such conceptualisation. It then deals with two key issues raised by the process of bourgeois revolution in the United States: the relationship between the War of Independence and the Civil War, and whether the nature of the South made conflict unavoidable. It then argues that the American Revolution is unique for two reasons: the non-feudal nature of Southern society and the fact that the Northern industrial bourgeoisie, unlike their European contemporaries, were still prepared to behave in a revolutionary way.

Graz Grunderzeit

- Graz in the Gründerzeit, the Era of Industrial Development Graz was an important military stronghold and commercial center in the mining basin of Styria. Archduke Johann of Hapsburg promoted the building of its first railway line in 1844, which was linked to the Vienna-Trieste line in 1857. Members of the rich industrial bourgeoisie were able to make investments that helped expand the city outside the walls, beginning with the 1830s. Graz's urban development plans were guided by criteria modeled after those of the Ring in Vienna. In the latter 1800s, Graz's projects for dealing with its increasing population reinforced this tendency, exemplified in the headquarters buildings of local political and economic powers, which give its outer rings its characteristic stately elegance.

“THAT THERE BRUTUS”: ELITE CULTURE AND KNOWLEDGE DIFFUSION IN THE INDUSTRIAL NOVELS OF ELIZABETH GASKELL

ELIZABETH GASKELL SCHOLARS are well aware of the anger that Mary Barton evoked in some quarters of Manchester's industrial bourgeoisie. These scholars are also certainly familiar with the central document of this anger, a wide-ranging critique in which an anonymous “Correspondent” of the Manchester Guardian accuses the anonymous novelist not only of ignorance but also of distortions that amount to “a libel on the masters, merchants, and gentlemen of this city.” The correspondent, W. R. Greg, offers several lines of argument in support of this charge. I would like to take one of these as the opening evidence in my own argument. “In a truthful ‘tale of Manchester, or factory life,’” he remarks, “it appears very strange that no notice whatever is taken of what has been done by the masters for improving the condition of the workmen”; instead of “mechanics' institutions,” “libraries founded expressly for [the workers'] benefit,” and other “institutions [where] every stimulus is given to self-culture, to the expansion of the mind … to whatever will elevate the taste, refine the manners, [and] improve the moral character,” the reader sees only the harsh effects of “comparatively uneducated and ignorant” factory masters. The author of Mary Barton, Greg asserts, may be counted among “the hosts of humanity-mongers” who are determined to depict leaders of industry as “upstarts from the very dregs of society” (“Mary Barton”). (See Figures 8 and 9.)