scholarly journals Determinants of the Participation of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan

2021 ◽  
pp. 457-469
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jureńczyk
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Source Analysis ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The purpose of the paper is to analyze and assess the determinants of the participation of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. The first part of the paper presents the background of the Chinese army’s involvement in the Sudanese states, and the second part shows the specificity of its involvement in UNMISS. The next two parts deal, respectively, with political, military and strategic, and economic determinants of China’s involvement in this mission. The research problem is contained in the question what were the most important determinants of China’s involvement in the UN Mission in South Sudan? The hypothesis of the paper assumes that the main deterimnant of the involvement was the protection of China’s economic interests in South Sudan and East Africa. In addition, by being active in UN peacekeeping missions, China wants to strengthen this organization and create the image of the state responsible for maintaining international peace and security. The Chinese army is also interested in gaining experience in expeditionary mission to increase the ability of military operations in distant theaters. The method of text source analysis was used in the paper.

The Divided Nations in the International System

1973 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 479-507
Author(s):  
Joungwon Alexander Kim ◽  
Carolyn Campbell Kim
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International System ◽  
General Rule ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Major Exception ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
United Nations System ◽  
Nations System

With the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of China, membership in the United Nations system has now become almost universal. The major exception to the general rule of universality is the exclusion of the divided nations: Germany (combined population: 68,000,000), Korea (combined population: 47,000,000), and Vietnam (combined population: 35,000,000).None of the divided nations hold membership in die United Nations proper, although all three of the Western-affiliated sectors have been given observer status at the UN.

The Status of Formosa and the Chinese Recognition Problem

1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. P. O’Connell
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Recognition Problem ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Status ◽  
Legal Competence ◽  
The United Nations

The question of recognition of the Central People’s Republic of China, and the withdrawal of recognition of the Nationalist regime in Formosa, is from time to time a matter of moment in the internal politics of certain of the Pacific nations. Few of the proponents of recognition would advocate handing Formosa to the mainland government; they would prefer the island to be internationalized, neutralized, or made independent under United Nations auspices and guarantee. In the policy discussions on the question, various views of the legal competence of the Allies or of the United Nations to dispose of Formosa have been advanced. It is the purpose of this paper to examine these views in turn and indicate on which view the question of Formosa’s future can be severed from the question of recognition.

Red China Blues: Paul Martin, Lester B. Pearson, and the China Conundrum, 1963-1967

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 190-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greg Donaghy
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The 1950S

Like any number of American allies, Canada declined to recognize the revolutionary government of the People’s Republic of China, and helped exclude it from the United Nations in the 1950s. By the early 1960s, there were strong pressures for change. This article examines the efforts of Paul Martin, Sr., Canada’s foreign minister from 1963 to 1968, to respond to those pressures and modernize his country’s approach to the emerging Asian giant. After establishing Martin’s diplomatic credentials, the paper traces the evolution of his attitude toward Beijing during the 1950s as he accepted the logic and necessity of recognition. Opposed by Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson and many of his cabinet colleagues, who feared U.S. retaliation, Martin persisted in trying to win over their backing. Progress, when it finally came in 1966, was incremental and much too late, prompting critical attacks on the minister’s reputation and his “hush puppy style.”

Normalization of Relations Between the United States and China: Acts and Documents

1980 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
Ivan Sipkov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The United Nations

The normalization of relations and their broadening in various fields between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China was a major historical, political and diplomatic event. It went through several stages and involved types of international acts and documents. Without a doubt, these developments had a definite impact on the internal legislative, administrative and judicial programs and policy of the countries involved. They also affected the community of nations and the relations therein. As a result, they may be grouped into three categories based on their purpose and the countries or international organizations referred to: 1) Relations within the United Nations; 2) U.S.-China relations; and 3) U.S.-Taiwan relations.

The People's Republic of China in the United Nations: A Preliminary Analysis

1974 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel S. Kim
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

After having suffered from the self-inflicted wounds of internal convulsions and diplomatic isolation during the Cultural Revolution, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has returned to the world diplomatic scene with a new, vigorous, and imaginative foreign policy. To appreciate its dimensions fully, one must recall that China's foreign policy was left largely unprotected from the disruptive spillovers of the domestic quarrels during the Cultural Revolution. The Red Guards not only sacked the British chancery in Peking, but also seized their own Ministry of Foreign Affairs in August 1967. By November 1967, forty-four out of forty-five ambassadors were called home for “rectification,” leaving the durable Huang Hua in Cairo as the PRC's sole representative abroad. China's trade also suffered; by the end of September 1967, Peking had been involved in disputes of varying intensity with some thirty-two nations. However, the transition from revolutionary turmoil to pragmatic reconstruction came through a series of decisions made by Mao Tse-tung and his close advisors beginning in late July 1968 and culminating at the First Plenum of the Ninth Party Congress held in April 1969, ushering in a new era in Chinese foreign policy. toward the United Nations may be characterized as one of “love me or leave me, but don't leave me alone,” evolving through the stages of naive optimism, frustration, disenchantment, anger, and lingering envy and hope, the PRC's support of the principles of the United Nations Charter had remained largely unaffected from 1945 to 1964. However, the Indonesian withdrawal on January 7, 1965, triggered off a process of negative polemics against the United Nations. Indeed, Peking's bill of complaints against the United Nations was broad and sweeping: that blind faith in the United Nations had to be stopped because the organization was by no means sacred and inviolable; that by committing sins of commission and omission, the United Nations had become an adjunct of the U.S. State Department; that the United Nations had become a channel for United States economic and cultural penetration into Asian, African, and Latin American countries; and that the United Nations in the final analysis was a paper tiger.

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