scholarly journals Braunschweig: A Historiography of Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katelyn McGirr

Reviewed through the theoretical lens of the Intentionalist and Functionalist perspectives, this historiography essay discusses ordinary Germans' reactions to the National Socialist regime, the prevalence of German anti-Semitism, the legitimacy of collective responsibility and collective guilt, and how memory and historical approaches to the discourses of the Holocaust influenced German collective identity.

Author(s):  
Irving Hexham

To appreciate that the various forms of fascism, particularly German National Socialism under Adolf Hitler’s Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP, National Socialist German Workers' Party commonly known as the Nazi Party; 1920–1945) and Italian Fascism under Benito Mussolini’s Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF, National Fascist Party; 1922–1943), are embedded within modernism, one must first recognize that the reality and horror of the Holocaust has distorted our understanding of Nazism in three significant ways. First, until at least the early 1990s the crude anti-Semitism of National Socialists like Julius Streicher (1885–1946) and Johann van Leers (1902–1965) prevented scholars from taking seriously the notion that National Socialism is an ideology that intellectuals helped define. Secondly, because anti-Semitism did not obviously manifest itself among Italian modernists and fascists, it discouraged comparison. Thirdly, starting in the 1950s many surviving National Socialists, who were formerly passionate SS-intellectuals like Sigrid Hunke (1913–1999) (Poewe 2011) or like the head of the Press Division of Ribbentrop’s Foreign Office Paul Karl Schmidt (1911–1997) (Plöger 2009), among many others, reinvented themselves.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joy H. Calico

Abstract Musicologists have recently begun to study a crucial component in the reconstruction of European cultural life after World War II——the remigration of displaced musicians, either in person or (adopting Marita Krauss's notion of "remigrating ideas") in the form of their music. Because composers are most significantly present in the aural materiality of their music, and because Arnold Schoenberg's name was synonymous with modernism and its persecution across Europe, his symbolic postwar reappearance via performances of his music was a powerful and problematic form of remigration. The case of Schoenberg's A Survivor from Warsaw and the former Nazi music critic Hans Schnoor serves as a representative example. Schnoor derided Schoenberg and Survivor in a newspaper column in 1956 using the rhetoric of National Socialist journalism as part of his campaign against federal funding of musical modernism via radio and festivals. When radio journalist Fred Prieberg took him to task for this on the air, Schnoor sued for defamation. A series of lawsuits ensued in which issues of denazification and the occupying Allied forces put a distinctly West German spin on the universal postwar European themes of anti-Semitism, the Holocaust, remigration, and modernism.


Author(s):  
Timothy P. Jackson

Here I rebut three fundamental challenges to the idea that Jewish moral monotheism was a primary cause of German anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. The first challenge is the claim that the National Socialist persecution of the Jews was based solely on race, and not on religion. The second challenge is the more sweeping claim that there was nothing objective about the Jews or Judaism—neither race nor religion—that motivated Nazi oppression and murder; these were simply irrational. The third challenge is what I call, echoing Hannah Arendt, “the banality of evil” claim. According to this perspective, most Nazis, including many who were very highly placed (e.g., Eichmann), were without evil intention or malice of forethought toward the Jews and were motivated primarily by mundane concerns, such as power or promotion or simple prudence. I take all three of these positions to underestimate human malice and, by implication, human (and divine) benevolence.


Fascism ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-193
Author(s):  
Matthew Kott

Aside from equating it with Hitlerism, there have been few scholarly attempts to define national socialism and specify its relation to the broader category of fascism. This article posits that national socialisms are a sub-genus of fascism, where the distinguishing feature is an ultaranationalism based on a palingenetic völkisch racism, of which anti-Semitism is an essential element. Thus, national socialism is not just mimetic Hitlerism, as Hitler is not even necessary. National socialist movements may even conceivably be opposed to the goals and actions of Hitlerism. To test this definition, the case of Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts [Thunder Cross] movement is analysed. Based on an analysis of its ideology, Pērkonkrusts is a national socialist movement with a völkisch racialist worldview, while also being essentially anti-German. The case study even addresses the apparent paradox that Pērkonkrusts both collaborated in the Holocaust, and engaged in resistance against the German occupation regime.


2016 ◽  
pp. 1-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Janicka

The Embassy of Poland in Poland: The Polin Myth in the Museum of the History of Polish Jews (MHPJ) as narrative pattern and model of minority-majority relationsThe text offers an analysis of the MHJP’s core exhibition, the architecture of the Museum’s building as well as the transformations of its surroundings, seen as operations in as well as on a space that is a sign and a designate of the Holocaust. This observed de-Holocaustization of the Holocaust story takes place in the context of progressing Holocaustization of the story concerning the past of ethnic Poles.The main narrative uniting the MHJP’s surroundings, building and core exhibition is the idyllic myth of Polin which dictates the selection and presenting of information. The story of Polish hosts and Jewish guests that is inherent to the Polin myth establishes inequality and dominance/subjugation as framing principles of a story of majority-minority relations. It also constitutes a mental gag and an instance of emotional blackmail which precludes any rational – analytical and critical – conversation based on historical realities. Furthermore, in practice, it is a part of a pattern of culture which produces – and at the same time legitimizes – violence and exclusion.The article reconstructs the principles governing the Polinization of the history of Jews in Eastern Europe (a term coined by Konrad Matyjaszek). These principles include: emphasizing the Polish over the Jewish lieux de mémoire; presenting the figures and landmarks of importance for both groups through the prism of those aspects which concern the majority group; refraining from problematization of specific phenomena (like Judaism or transboundary character) and from applying to the a longue durée perspective; and decontextualization (e.g., by passing over anti-Semitism – Christian but not only Christian – and its significance for the construction of the majority group’s collective identity, an identity that over time increasingly determined the Jews’ conditions of life, until eventually it determined their fate). In relation to the core exhibition the text discusses such issues as: “last minute” censorship; affirmation of anti-Semitic phantasms (like the Paradisus Iudaerum or Esterka); the abandonment planned – and prepared – part of the exhibition dealing with the period after the regaining of independence by Poland in 1989; presenting numerous events and questions in a way that contradicts the state of research not only known but often arrived at in Poland (a particularly outraging example of this is abstaining from a realistic presentation of the Polish context of the Holocaust in favor of a return to the outdated category of the innocent, or indifferent, Polish bystander to the Holocaust).The stake of this retouched story is the image of Poland and reputation of Poles, that is to say – the complacency of the non-Jewish majority. The price is the mystification of Eastern European Jewish history and the thwarting of the potential for change which arouse as a result of the Jedwabne debate. This potential promised a chance for a revision of culture and a remodelling of social relations in the spirit of equal rights and integrated history. Apart from the period from 1944/45 to 1946, this chance was unprecedented in theJewish-Polish and Polish-Jewish “common history that divides”.  Ambasada Polski w Polsce. Mit Polin w Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich (MHŻP) jako wzór narracji i model relacji mniejszość-większośćTekst zawiera analizę wystawy głównej MHŻP, architektonicznej postaci gmachu muzeum i przekształceń jego otoczenia jako operacji dokonanych w oraz na przestrzeni będącej znakiem i desygnatem Zagłady. Kontekstem dla obserwowanej deholokaustyzacji opowieści o Holokauście jest postępująca holokaustyzacja opowieści o przeszłości etnicznych Polaków. Narracją główną spajającą otoczenie MHŻP, gmach oraz wystawę główną jest idylliczny mitPolin, który rozstrzyga o selekcji i sposobie prezentowania informacji. Zawarta w nim opowieść o polskich gospodarzach i żydowskich gościach ustanawia nierównoprawność oraz dominację/podporządkowanie jako zasady ramowe opowieści o relacji większość-mniejszość. Stanowi także rodzaj mentalnego knebla i emocjonalnego szantażu, który udaremnia racjonalną – analityczną i krytyczną – rozmowę w kategoriach historycznego konkretu. Ponadto zaś – w praktyce – jest częścią wzoru kultury, który produkuje – i legitymizuje zarazem – przemoc oraz wykluczenie.Artykuł rekonstruuje reguły polinizacji historii Żydów w Europie Wschodniej (termin autorstwa Konrada Matyjaszka). Do reguł tych należą m.in. eksponowanie polskich miejsc pamięci (lieux de mémoire) kosztem żydowskich miejsc pamięci; prezentowanie figur i cezur obopólnie ważnych przez pryzmat tego, co w nich istotne dla grupy większościowej; brak problematyzacji zjawisk specyficznych (jak np. judaizm, transgraniczność) i ujęcia ich w perspektywie długiego trwania; dekonstektualizacja (np. pominięcie antysemityzmu –chrześcijańskiego i nie tylko – oraz jego znaczenia dla konstrukcji zbiorowej tożsamości grupy większościowej, która z biegiem czasu w coraz znaczniejszym stopniu rozstrzygała o warunkach życia Żydów, aż przesądziła o ich losie).W odniesieniu do wystawy głównej tekst porusza sprawę m.in. cenzury last minute; afirmacji antysemickich fantazmatów (jak Paradisus Iudaeorum czy Esterka); rezygnacji z przewidzianej i przygotowanej części ekspozycji dotyczącej okresu po odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości w 1989 roku; prezentacji wielu wydarzeń i zagadnień w sposób sprzeczny ze stanem badań nie tylko znanym, ale też niejednokrotnie wypracowanym w Polsce (czego szczególnie bulwersującym przykładem jest odstąpienie od realistycznej prezentacji polskiego kontekstu Zagłady i powrót do zdezaktualizowanej kategorii biernego czy też obojętnego polskiego świadka [bystander] Zagłady).Stawką tak spreparowanej opowieści jest wizerunek Polski i reputacja Polaków, a więc dobre samopoczucie nieżydowskiej większości. Ceną zaś – mistyfikacja historii Żydów Europy Wschodniej oraz zniweczenie potencjału zmiany, który ujawnił się w związku z debatą jedwabieńską. Potencjał ten oznaczał szansę rewizji kultury oraz przebudowy stosunków społecznych w duchu równych praw i historii zintegrowanej. Nie licząc okresu 1944/1945 - 1946, była to szansa bezprecedensowa w żydowsko-polskiej i polsko-żydowskiej „wspólnej historii, która dzieli”. 


Author(s):  
Yulia Egorova

The chapter explores how notions of Jewish and Muslim difference play out in the history of communal violence in independent India. In doing so it will first interrogate the way in which trajectories of anti-Muslim ideologies intersect in India with Nazi rhetoric that harks back to Hitler’s Germany, and the (lack of) the memory of the Holocaust on the subcontinent. It will then discuss how the experiences of contemporary Indian Jewish communities both mirror and contrast those of Indian Muslims and how Indian Jews and the alleged absence of anti-Semitism in India have become a reference point in the discourse of the Hindu right deployed to mask anti-Muslim and other forms of intolerance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-216
Author(s):  
Amos Morris Reich

Abstract In the attempt to find an Israeli approach to understanding the current European ambivalence towards Jews, this study focuses on the question of post-Holocaust anti-Semitism. It analyzes a specifically Israeli structure of experience of “schizophrenia” resulting from its decoupling of antisemitism from the Holocaust. It is shown that the justification of anti-Semitism has changed after the Holocaust. Thus, anti-Semitism has developed from a “cultural code” to a “semiotic problem”. The article concludes that the two main forms of Israel’s response to European anti-Semitism are inseparably linked to the question of whether Zionism ended with the establishment of the modern state of Israel and whether Israel is a “normal” state.


Author(s):  
Nitzan Shoshan

Abstract This article examines whether and how the figure of Adolf Hitler in particular, and National Socialism more generally, operate as moral exemplars in today’s Germany. In conversation with similar studies about Mosely in England, Franco in Spain, and Mussolini in Italy, it seeks to advance our comparative understanding of neofascism in Europe and beyond. In Germany, legal and discursive constraints limit what can be said about the Third Reich period, while even far-right nationalists often condemn Hitler, for either the Holocaust or his military failure. Here I revise the concept of moral exemplarity as elaborated by Caroline Humphry to argue that Hitler and National Socialism do nevertheless work as contemporary exemplars, in at least three fashions: negativity, substitution, and extension. First, they stand as the most extreme markers of negative exemplarity for broad publics that understand them as illustrations of absolute moral depravity. Second, while Hitler himself is widely unpopular, Führer-substitutes such as Rudolf Hess provide alternative figures that German nationalists admire and seek to emulate. Finally, by extension to the realm of the ordinary, National Socialism introduces a cast of exemplars in the figures of loving grandfathers or anonymous fallen soldiers. The moral values for which they stand, I show, appear to be particularly significant for young nationalists. An extended, more open-ended notion of exemplarity, I conclude, can offer important insights about the lingering afterlife of fascist figures in the moral life of European nationalists today.


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