Arno Nadel (1878–1943): A Contributor to Modern German-Jewish Identity from Vilnius

The phenomenon of Arno Nadel (1878–1943) is presupposed by his extremely diverse activities in art, scholarship, and musical journalism. A music arranger, musicologist, music journalist and collector, composer, choirmaster, pianist and organist, as well as a poet, playwright, painter and translator, Arno Nadel was born in a religious Jewish family in Vilnius and spent his first twelve years there. Having lived and studied in Königsberg for five years, in 1895 Nadel settled in Berlin, one of the largest centres of German Jewish cultural life before the National Socialists came to power in 1933. Nadel was murdered in Auschwitz in 1943. So far, his creative legacy has not been studied in Lithuania. The aim of this article is to bring Nadel back on the horizon of multinational Lithuanian cultural history and to review his contribution to the formation of modern German-Jewish identity in the context of Nadel’s Vilnius origins and his diverse musical activities. Nadel’s original compositions, arrangements of traditional Jewish liturgical music and folk songs, research in and texts about Jewish music contributed to a new approach towards cultural connections between the Jews of Eastern Europe and Germany, and were important for the development of German Jewish music in the first half of the twentieth century, as well as for the documentation and renewal of Jewish liturgical music. Although Arno Nadel composed music in a variety of genres himself, it was his work as a scholar and arranger of Jewish music and as a musicologist that received the most attention among his contemporaries and in the articles written after the Second World War.

Geraubte Diamanten, Schmuck und Edelmetalle

The essay explores the role of gemstone merchants, jewelers and goldsmiths in the expropriation of diamonds, jewellery and precious stones from the Jewish population of Germany as well as German-occupied countries in the Nazi era. Their participation along with the possibility for them to profit from these efforts will be highlighted, and it will be shown in how far there is proof for the involvement of specific persons. Due to their changeable nature, many of the stolen pieces of jewellery are nigh impossible to trace. For this reason, the essay narrows its focus on individual gemstone merchants, jewellers and goldsmiths to gain insight into their involvement in the robbery. Structures and regulations that were exploited to this end can be observed on an administrative level, in responsible administrative bodies and in the administration of occupied territories. In addition, implementation methods can also be reconstructed, i. e. which middlemen the National Socialists made use of within the circle of gemstone merchants, jewellers and goldsmiths. It shows that all three levels – trade, handicrafts, and sales – benefited from the robbery. On the one hand, jewellers and goldsmiths were used as henchmen for the procurement and evaluation of gemstones, on the other hand, some of these goldsmiths took advantage of the sales orders placed by the National Socialists and obtained the necessary gems and precious stones and metals via the established networks. A scheme in which all participants systematically benefited from the robbery of Jewish property can be identified. Within the framework of foreign currency supply, military raw diamond demand and satisfaction of the Nazi art needs, the participation in the robbery seems limited to an elitist group of gemstone merchants, jewellers and goldsmiths, who were also closely linked to the Nazi elite. In how far the remaining, much larger group of jewellers were actively involved in the robbery of Jewish property remains a question to be answered by further research.

Karl Tekusch (1890–1977), his concept of Sprachechtheit, and the purism movement in Austria

Summary The discovery of Karl Tekusch as a key player and significant link in the history of Austrian and German linguistic purism is the subject of this article. Tekusch was the last chairman of the Vienna Branch of the Deutscher Sprachverein (DSV), from the Austrian Anschluss until its dissolution, and he was also the first chairman of its post-WWII successor, the Viennese Verein Muttersprache, which is still active today. The existence of the hitherto lesser-known Germanischer Sprachverein, founded and chaired by Tekusch for 15 years, proves that the alleged ’gap’ in organised Austrian linguistic purism does in fact not exist, and that Austrian linguistic purism must indeed be regarded as a continuous phenomenon. Strongly influenced by the völkisch movement and later the national socialists, Tekusch had developed and continuously worked on his concept of Sprachechtheit, ‘linguistic authenticity’. The concept was very influential on purist organisations in Austria and Germany until at least the late 1970s. Moreover, Sprachechtheit was discussed beyond the realm of linguistics purism, by academics in German Philology, Sociology, Social Psychology, and German Folklore Studies / European Ethnology.

Ernst von Leyden (1832–1910): a pioneer in making oncology a respected medical discipline

Purpose This article presents new research on the role of the renowned German physician Ernst von Leyden (1832–1910) in the emergence of oncology as a scientific discipline. Methods The article draws on archival sources from the archive of the German Society of Haematology and primary and secondary literature. Results Leyden initiated two important events in the early history of oncology: the first international cancer conference, which took place in Heidelberg, Germany, in 1906, and the founding of the first international association for cancer research (forerunner of today's UICC) in Berlin in 1908. Unfortunately, these facts are not mentioned in the most recent accounts. Both had a strong impact on the professionalization of oncology as a discipline in its own right. Conclusion Although not of Jewish origin, von Leyden was considered by the National Socialists to be “Jewish tainted”, which had a lasting effect on his perception at home and abroad.

Berlin Tempelhof: From Heritage Site to Creative Industry Hub?

Tempelhof Airport in Berlin mirrors the political, social and cultural developments in the capital and - broadly - in the whole country. Tempelhof has witnessed the heyday of the 1920s aviation, figured in the National Socialists’ power politics and acquired a reputable status in the course of the 1948/49 Berlin Airlift. During and after the Cold War, Tempelhof had been functioning as an airport, before it was closed down amidst protests in 2008. Today, the vast grassy airfield is open as a park, whilst various plans are being devised for the future usage of the former airport building. October 2018 marked the 10th anniversary since the air traffic had been discontinued. It is, therefore, an appropriate occasion to look at the Tempelhof case anew. This paper attempts to shed light on how the manifold history and symbolic value of Tempelhof Airport is – or is not – being reflected within the current usage of the site, as well as in various proposals for its future developments, and how the latter correspond to the unique atmosphere of this place. Tempelhof’s rich and unusual history re-emerges in virtually every decision about the future of the site: from the idea to turn the site into an encompassing ‘creative hub,’ to economic questions (making the building more accessible to the public, using the terminal hall and the apron for mass events, and the like), right to the opposition of large groups of locals to the Senate of Berlin’s politics.

National Socialism

National Socialism was a political and social movement built on ideas and traditions that were already prevalent throughout Imperial Germany. In the early years of the Weimar Republic it was just one of many antisemitic splinter groups of the völkisch and ultranationalist right, yet it had emerged as Germany’s most successful political party at the polls by 1932. This chapter argues that the National Socialists achieved this remarkable success not only through cunning political propaganda and successful exploitation of the post-1929 economic crisis, but even more so because they managed to present themselves as a genuine people’s party. By setting up a multitude of party-affiliated organizations, they penetrated different milieus of German society. For many voters it was ultimately the NSDAP’s promise of individual success as part of a wider national renewal that proved most attractive, rather than the party’s antisemitic platform that was key for the mobilization of party activists.

»Wir musizieren – trotzdem!« – Die Stuttgarter Jüdische Kunstgemeinschaft

The Stuttgarter Jüdische Kunstgemeinschaft (Stuttgart Jewish Art Society) existed only five years from 1933 to 1938 before the November Pogrom put an end to Jewish cultural work in Stuttgart. In just these five years, however, the Kunstgemeinschaft had become a nationally known and celebrated institution of Jewish cultural work – despite and in reaction to the National Socialists’ repressive policy of exclusion and surveillance. The Kunstgemeinschaft offered working alternatives for Jewish artists who had become unemployed and cultural events for the Jewish population excluded from society. In addition, the idea of »geistiger Widerstand« (intellectual resistance) found its way into the work of the Kunstgemeinschaft. But the real achievement of the Kunstgemeinschaft was its sheer existence in times of adverse and constantly changing political circumstances: it offered the Jews of Stuttgart and Württemberg a place of cultural enrichment and a home in difficult times.

Ludendorff in the Third Reich

This chapter outlines Erich Ludendorff’s attacks, written in his paper, Ludendorffs Volkswarte, on Adolf Hitler, the National Socialists, and their new cabinet allies after the political party consolidated their power in the summer of 1933. It discusses the relations between Hitler and Ludendorff throughout the first two years of the Third Reich. Despite the many ideological similarities with Nazism, the chapter reveals how Ludendorff’s followers experienced persecution, including their lectures being banned at the last minute or disrupted by Sturmabteilung (SA) rowdies. Some Ludendorffers lost their jobs or chances for promotion because of their championing the Feldherr’s cause. Some spent time in jail or concentration camps because of their “subversive” belief in Deutsche Gotterkenntnis. The chapter then discusses Ludendorff’s Volkswarte as a “purely religious” journal after the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) banned his paper and the Tannenbergbund. The chapter also mentions Ludendorff’s refusal to attend the festivities commemorating the Battle of Tannenberg. Ultimately, the chapter assesses the impact of Hitler and Ludendorff’s reconciliation on Germany.

Religious Cultures and Confessional Politics

This chapter argues that the role of religion in the political and social dynamics of the Weimar Republic was determined by two axes of confessional conflict. Alongside the Catholic–Protestant antagonism, there were also significant tensions between secularism and Christianity. Both axes contributed to the formation of different social milieus during the Kaiserreich and supported their continued articulation during the Weimar Republic. The chapter explores developments within the milieus, such as the significant growth and radicalization of freethought within the socialist and communist parties, as well as the shifting relationships between them, which created a fractured and complex set of political struggles, compromises, and alliances. The republic was bookended by efforts to overcome confessional divides in Germany through revolutionary means, on the one hand through the aborted attempt to fully secularize the German state in 1918 and, on the other, the campaign by the National Socialists to win Christian support by calling for ‘positive Christianity’ to heal Germany’s confessional divide by unifying Protestants and Catholics and destroying secularism.

Semantic re-evaluation in the national socialist language and its diction in the right-wing populism

Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.