scholarly journals A Rock-Hewn Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos? An Investigation into Possible ‘Northern’ Zagwe Churches near ʿAddigrat, Tǝgray

Aethiopica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikael Muehlbauer

Rulers of the short-lived Zagwe dynasty have long been lauded for their role as builderkings, producing several churches in the Lalibäla complex in Lasta in addition to the nearby church of Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos. Despite some textual evidence linking this group to Tǝgray, scholars have not hitherto identified any particularly ‘Zagwe’ buildings therein. This paper proposes that several rock-hewn churches near ʿAddigrat in Tǝgray may be the product of thirteenth-century Zagwe church building. My hypothesis is anchored by my identification of the church of Gwaḥgot Iyäsus as a hewn copy of Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos in both form and measurements. This church, which replicates the dimensions of this famous free-standing church almost exactly, also has wood elements within that were seemingly imported from Lasta. Furthermore, I connect the painted decorations to other churches in the cluster: Maryam Qiʿat and even Maryam Qorqor in Gärʿalta. By expanding our view of the Zagwe dynasty towards Tǝgray, we may better understand this little-known period of Ethiopian history.

Traditio ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 451-460
Author(s):  
Marcia L. Colish

The romanesque façade of the abbey church of St.-Gilles in the diocese of Nlmes has been a subject of debate among art historians for many years. This controversy has been centered on the design of the church's façade [Fig. 1]. In addition to a series of colonnettes supporting archivolts that surround the tympana over its three western doorways, the St.-Gilles façade also possesses two free-standing columns flanking the central doorway that support nothing, a peculiarity which has led scholars to conclude that the plan of the façade was changed during the remodeling of the church in the twelfth century. The debate has focused on the dating of this change. A number of dates have been suggested, based on the façade's sculptural style, on dated inscriptions in the crypt, and on documents dealing with the church fabric. The art historians of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries dated the redesigning of the façade between 1116 and the middle of the thirteenth century, though the tendency of more recent scholarship has been to narrow the range of dates to between 1116 and the 1140s.


1993 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy M. Thibodeau

William Durand's (ca. 1230–1296)Rationale divinorum officiorum(ca. 1292/1296) is unquestionably the longest and most thorough commentary on the liturgy produced by a medieval liturgiologist. From the time of its appearance at the end of the thirteenth century to the Catholic Restorationist liturgical revival in mid-nineteenth-century France, it was hailed by admirers as the quintessential expression of the medieval church's understanding of the divine offices. The bishop of Mende'sRationaletreats, among other things, the various parts of the church building, the ministers of the church, liturgical vestments, and the Mass and the canonical hours. It thus stands as the epitome of a four-hundred year tradition of allegorical liturgical exposition which was inaugurated in the West with the extended liturgical commentaries of the Carolingian bishop, Amalarius of Metz (died 852/853).


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Helmholz

Most recent historians have expressed a negative opinion of the quality of legal education at the English universities between 1400 and 1650. The academic study of law at Oxford and Cambridge, they have stated, was easy, antiquated and impractical. The curriculum had not changed from the form it assumed in the thirteenth century, and it did little to prepare students for their careers. This article challenges that opinion by examining the inner nature of the ius commune, the law that was applied in the courts of the church, and also by examining some of the works of practice compiled by English civilians during the period. Those works show that the negative opinion rests in part upon a misunderstanding of the nature of legal practice during earlier centuries. In fact, concentration on the texts of the Roman and canon laws, as old-fashioned as it seems to us, was well suited for the tasks advocates and judges would face once they left the academy. It also provided the stimulus needed for advance in the law of the church itself; their legal education made available to potential advocates and judges skills that would permit a sophisticated application of the ius commune, one better suited to their times. The article provides evidence of how this happened.1


2014 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 1014-1018
Author(s):  
Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp

Last week, sandwiched in between updates on Beyoncé's trip to the West Coast and sighting of the latest super moon, the Huffington Post featured an article by power preacher Lillian Daniels entitled “Spiritual But Not Religious? Please Stop Boring Me.” Daniels lamented her situation on long plane flights, where she had to endure the stories of fellow travelers who, upon finding out she is a minister, confessed their rejection of religious institutions in favor of finding spirituality in sunsets and walks on the beach. Inevitably, they would present their experience to her as a revelation: “Like people who go to church don't see God in the sunset! Like we are these monastic little hermits who never leave the church building. How lucky we are to have these geniuses inform us that God is in nature.” Daniels' article represents a backlash coming from the institutional end of the spectrum, but her plea for loyalty to religion-in-community was met by many who found her (apparently, according to the comments section) insulting, condescending, and close-minded.


1865 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. i-xxxiv

The volume now presented to the reader, and entitled “Registrum Prioratus Beatæ Wigorniensis,” contains documents of many kinds. Some few are of a public nature, such as the Magna Carta, de Libertatibus Angliæ, 9 Henrici III. 1224, the Carta de Libertatibus Forestæ of the same year, the Novæ Provisiones Angliæ, 44 H. III. 1259, and the Provisiones de Merton, 20 H. III. 1235. Others are Precedents of forms to be observed upon the vacancy of a Bishopric, for announcing the vacancy, and for obtaining from the Crown licence to elect. There are also Royal, Episcopal, and Private charters relating to the possessions and privileges of the Church at Worcester, together with records of proceedings in law suits before the Justices in Eyre. The larger portion, however, of the volume consists of a Descriptive Rental, as it may be termed, of the Possessions of the Benedictine Monastery of Worcester in the middle of the thirteenth century, including as well the Spiritual Revenues derived from Churches and Tithes, as the Temporal Revenues derived from Manors and Lands.


Traditio ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
D. Dudley Stutz

In 1232 Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–41) imposed a tenth of episcopal revenues on prelates of Occitania to subsidize the church of Valence, which owed 10,000 poundstournoisto various bankers of Vienne, Rome, Lyons, and Siena. In 1865 B. Hauréau first noted the event when he edited one of the main documents in theGallia christianavolume concerning the ecclesiastical province of Vienne. With the publication of Gregory IX's register from 1890–1908 most of the facts of the tax were more widely available. In 1910 Ulysse Chevalier briefly mentioned the tax in his monograph on the long tenure of John of Bernin, archbishop of Vienne (r. 1218–66). In 1913, Heinrich Zimmermann cited Hauréau's text in a note in his detailed treatment of early thirteenth-century papal legations. Recently Alain Marchandisse reviewed eight of the eleven papal letters pertaining to the tax in his study of William of Savoy (d. 1239) as bishop-elect of Liège. These scholars provided no reason for the debt or why the papacy would take such measures to ensure payment. Perhaps they did not study this tax further because a church indebted to moneylenders is not in itself surprising. It appears that the church of Valence acquired the debt, very large compared to the church's income, when bishop-elect William of Savoy (r. 1225–39) waged war against Adhémar II of Poitiers-Valentinois, count of the Valentinois (r. 1189–1239). Struggles between bishops and the local nobility occurred on a regular basis throughout the Middle Ages, so what in this unimportant Rhone-valley diocese interested the pope enough to impose taxes on prelates of Occitania over twenty years to ensure payment of this debt? Adhémar II faithfully supported Raymond VI (r. 1194–1222) and Raymond VII (r. 1222–49) of Saint-Gilles, counts of Toulouse, throughout their struggle with the papacy during and following the Albigensian crusades. Adhémar II was also their vassal for the Diois, which borders the Valentinois on the southeast and comprised the northern portion of the marquisate of Provence. These lands had been reserved for the church in the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), which ended the Albigensian crusades. Thus William of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence defended the papacy's claims on the marquisate of Provence, which the papacy deemed part of the larger struggle between the Roman church and the counts of Toulouse. The facts on the nature of the debts and the steps the papacy took to aid the diocese show that the local struggle between the bishop of Valence and the count of the Valentinois embodied a part of the larger struggle between the papacy and the counts of Toulouse over the marquisate of Provence, which began as early as 1215.


Traditio ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 179-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Watt

The work of the medieval canonists has always formed a significant chapter in the histories of medieval political thought. The law of the Church and its attendant juristic science forms the proper source material for the examination of the system of ideas which lay behind the functioning of papal government. Ecclesiastical jurisprudence was the practical branch of sapientia Christiana. It was concerned with a constitution and the exercise of power within its terms; with an organization and the methods by which it was to be run. It had of necessity to be articulate about the nature of the papacy, the constitutional and organizational linchpin. In consequence the canonists were the acknowledged theorists of papal primacy. To them rather than to the theologians belonged that segment of ecclesiology which treated of the nature of the Church as a visible corporate society under a single ruler. In that period of nearly a century which lay between the accession of Alexander III and the death of Innocent IV, canonists were required to register the increasingly numerous and more diverse applications of papal rulership to the problems of Christian society. The concept of papal monarchy came to be reexamined in academic literature because of the accelerating tempo of papal action. Under the stimulus of an active papacy, the canonists were led to examine many of the assumptions on which the popes based their actions and claims. The world of affairs conditioned the evolution of a political-theory, which in turn helped to shape the course of events.


Author(s):  
Haleluya Timbo Hutabarat

Abstrak Latar belakang masalah buku ini adalah fenomena gereja yang kaku. Menggunakan metode etnography, buku ini merupakan sebuah bahan diskusi yang menarik tentang gereja, anak muda dan budayanya. Penulis menghubungkan budaya (populer), anak muda, dengan narasi Injil untuk menghasilkan apa itu gereja. Ia menawarkan eklesiologi gereja yang lebih cair, adaptif dan responsif terhadap akar-akar budaya sehari-hari yang dihidupi. Bagian-bagian setelahnya berisi diskusi tentang bentuk-bentuk praktis yang sangat memungkinkan dari konsep gereja yang cair. Akhirnya, anjuran sikap mental dan spiritual agar sebuah gereja tetap cair dan freshbagi komunitas di dalam dan di sekitarnya adalah keterbukaan. Buku memperkaya diskusi di ranah eklesiologi, liturgi, pembangunan jemaat, pastoral, budaya populer, dan intergenerasional.   Abstract Rationale background of this book is the solid phenomenon of church. Using ethnography methods, this book is an interesting discussion about the church, young people and its culture. The author associate (popular) culture, young people, with gospel narratives to produce what the church is. He offers a more fluid, adaptive and responsive ecclesiology as the roots of everyday culture of church that is lived. This study also recommends the very practical forms of a liquid church. The final suggestion as a mental and spiritual attitude so that church remains liquid and fresh, is openness. This book shares a rich discourse in the field of ecclesiology, liturgy, church building, pastoral, popular culture, and intergenerational culture.


Zograf ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Saso Cvetkovski

This text is dealing with a rare thematic innovation that appeared in Byzantine wall painting of the thirteenth century. In particular, the author explores the iconography of the Vision of Saint Peter of Alexandria as found in the Church of St. Archangels in Prilep around 1270. He argues that this work manifests a key moment in the development of this composition over the course of the thirteenth century. This links the same motif found in Melnik from the beginning of the thirteenth century, and a composition from the Church of the Virgin Peribleptos in Ohrid from 1294/1295. In the end, place of the Vision in the painted program of the western part of the Church of St. Archangels in Prilep is analyzed.


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