Construing the ‘social gospel’ of Martin Luther King Jr.: a corpus-assisted study of free*

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna R. Miller ◽  
Monica Turci
Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck

The introduction includes Bible verses cited by ministers to defend segregation and verses to oppose segregation. There are slices of the history of the United States, the Civil Rights Movement, and African American history. The southern states, where white ministers confronted segregation, are identified. The term “minister” is explained as well as the variety of labels given these ministers ranging from “Liberal,” Progressive,” “Neo-Orthodox,” “Evangelical Liberal,” “open conservative,” ‘Last Hurrah of the Social Gospel Movement” to “Trouble Maker,” “Traitor, “ “Atheist,” “Communist,” “N_____ Lover.” Rachel Henderlite, the only woman minister mentioned in the book, is identified. Synopses of the book’s seven chapters are included. Comments by historians David Chappell, Charles Reagan Wilson, Martin Luther King, Jr., Ernest Campbell, and Thomas Pettigrew are cited.


Author(s):  
Gary Dorrien

Benjamin E. Mays and Howard Thurman differently exemplified the black social gospel as theologians, lecture circuit speakers, and academics. In their early careers they formed a social gospel trio with Mordecai Johnson at Howard University. Later they influenced Martin Luther King Jr. and other leaders of the Civil Rights Movement. Mays was an educator, theologian, and activist in the Johnson mode, while the later Thurman gave himself to mystical theology and ecumenical ministry.


1991 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 555
Author(s):  
Frederick L. Downing ◽  
Ira G. Zepp ◽  
David J. Garrow

2020 ◽  
pp. 255-280
Author(s):  
Richard Lischer

This chapter focuses on the vehicle of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s social gospel: the mass meeting. The mass meeting was born in Montgomery, Alabama, with the December 5, 1955 rally at the Holt Street Baptist Church. From the beginning, the meetings served an indivisibly sacred and civic agenda. At Holt, the throng listened to Bible readings, sang “Onward Christian Soldiers” and “Leaning on the Everlasting Arms,” and took courage from a sermonic speech by the young Dr. King. The mass meetings held throughout the South also served to solidify a sense of community among participants. The meetings provided a continuous social commentary on fast-breaking events, a forum for information and tactical planning, a school for correction and instruction in nonviolence, a place of praise and encouragement, but, most of all, a way of keeping together.


2006 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wallace Best

AbstractThe infamous conflict between Joseph Harrison Jackson, longtime president of the National Baptist Convention, Inc. (NBC), and Martin Luther King, Jr., has attracted considerable scholarly attention. For nearly a decade, the two Baptist clerics fought for control of the largest African American religious organization in the country as King sought to use it as the “institutional basis for the Civil Rights Movement.” Treated as a simple confrontation between the “radicalism” of King and the”conservatism” of Jackson, however, the conflict has been misinterpreted and, therefore, undervalued by scholars. It was not a struggle between conservative and progressive forces within the NBC, and Jackson and King were not ideological polar opposites. Their conflict was essentially religious in nature and was predicated on questions regarding what constituted church work among black Baptists. In retaining control of the NBC, Jackson wanted to make sure that the answers to those questions would reflect what he perceived to be the “vital center” of American culture. He was convinced that his commitment to “correct” the social ills of society through national and religious unity would achieve that which was right while conquering that which was wrong. Faced also with the challenges of an increasingly global context within which black religious leaders were compelled to operate, Jackson envisioned the NBC as an organization involved with efforts to bring peace and economic parity around the world. In Jackson's view, King's aim to use the NBC as the “institutional basis for the Civil Rights Movement” was both “anti-American” and limited in scope. Jackson's “gradual” stance on civil rights and his confidence in the democratic process to bring about social change reveal one of the many options employed in post -WWII African American religious and political culture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 89 (4) ◽  
pp. 318-328
Author(s):  
Matthew C. Jones

In this article, Dr. John Barclay’s work in Pauline studies and particularly his research on the ancient notion of gift (charis [χάρις]) will be used to inform the modern social—and really the theological—predicament of race and place for the church of Jesus Christ. While reviews and reflections of Barclay’s work have focused on the author’s place in the so-called New Perspective and intertestamental understandings of soteriological constructs in the NT, his theological utility for systematics engaging in the social sciences, ethics and practical theology have largely remained unexplored. Civil rights leader, Martin Luther King Jr., famously opined, ‘We must face the fact that…the church is still the most segregated major institution…’ With this in mind, Barclay offers a genuine gift to our understanding of charis, which has implications for the post-segregated church today as she finds herself in a racialized world of brokenness and disparity. This paper will aim to creatively explore the theological utility of Barclay’s work in this intersection of race and place for the church, as she bears witness to the gracious gift of God in Christ.


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