Economic integration and trade liberalization in Southern Africa

Author(s):  
Merle Holden
1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Robson

An example of a long-standing arrangement for economic integration in Africa which operates in a very special environment is the case provided by Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland (BLS), the former High Commission Territories. Geographically and ethnically these three independent countries—Swaziland shortly to be so—are closely related to the Republic of South Africa. For many years they have had the closest of economic ties with that country. Indeed, for most of their history as separate territories, it was assumed both by Britain and by South Africa that they would ultimately be absorbed within the latter.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-33
Author(s):  
Z Ntozintle Jobodwana

The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), the African Union (AU) and other African regional economic communities (RECs) have as their ultimate objective the political and economic integration of the African continent. The SADC is home to a number of countries, all of them striving to improve their investment climate to attract foreign investors by reducing the costs of doing business in the region. One way of achieving this is by setting targets for and speeding up political and economic integration, improving interconnectivity and thereby enlarging the market size and enhancing its attractiveness. The SADC region still suffers from high levels of energy poverty through low access levels in all countries except South Africa and Mauritius. Numerous studies have shown that greater regional trading and cooperation on power development within the SADC could substantially reduce investment and operational costs as well as carbon emissions. The need for a regional power trading pool and regional cooperation grew out of the power utilities’ recognition of the vulnerability of individual countries if each continued to pursue a policy of self-sufficiency rather than out of a desire to minimise the social or financial costs of the region’s power. The power sector in southern Africa is undergoing tremendous reforms, more especially since the establishment of the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) in August 1995. The SADC, however, faces serious challenges that include diminishing surplus generation capacity and the need to ensure that SADC citizens have equitable access to electricity at affordable prices. To meet these challenges, treaties and protocols have been adopted but are failing to deliver at the implementation stage. This article reviews the SADC energy-electricity regulatory framework in the context of economic and political integration and recommends the establishment of an independent regional regulatory authority to oversee the implementation of integrated holistic energy and air pollution control and prevention, and a common climate change policy. Such a regulator would be a highly resourced regional institution that will liaise with international institutions. This independent regional authority will serve as a catalyst for regional economic integration. It will also have a mandate to introduce and coordinate the establishment of an SADC regional emissions trading scheme that will contribute to managing the mitigation of greenhouse gases (GHGs) and the implementation of global warming adaptation strategies in the region.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-289
Author(s):  
Sophie Dufour

At the end of the Uruguay Round talks, the social dimension to world trade liberalization is still a subject of sharp controversy. The question has come up time and again over the last fifty years, particularly in response to certain American initiatives. It never could provide common ground for the interests of all parties present on the international stage. The possibility of agreeing on its raison d'être has seemed, from that point on, impossibly vain. In a context of increasingly deeper economic integration, in which trade liberalization is not inconsequential to domestic industries, the seriousness of the worker protection issue is no longer debatable. The idea of linking the opening of markets to respect for certain basic social standards seems both unavoidable to some and unacceptable to others. The following article casts a retrospective look on the debates raised during the last few decades over what is now commonly called the "social clause".


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill K.P. Chou

This paper examines the extent of China’s integration in the global economy and its ability to implement the WTO commitments by using government procurement as a case study. This paper argues that the domestic framework of government procurement has been gradually harmonized with the WTO commitments. Full implementation of the commitments has been constrained by several factors: policy elites consider government procurement to be a drive of cost saving and against corruption instead of a policy of spurring trade liberalization. There are still significant discrepancies between the domestic and international regulatory frameworks. Besides that, the implementation contradicts the policy priorities of local state actors on whom the policy of elites heavily depend for success. The Chinese government’s capacity in enforcing international agreements has further been undermined by the structural problems of the administration.


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