scholarly journals POSTAL CORRESPONDENCE OF AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AND GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR OF THE OMSK MILITARY DISTRICT AS A SOURCE FOR STUDYING THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR DETENTION IN CAPTIVITY

Rusin ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 97-119
Author(s):  
B.K. Dulatov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Primary Source ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Social Adaptation ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Individual ◽  
First World

Drawing on the archives, the author analyses the reports of military censorship commission members, whose official function was to systematise and analyse the personal correspondence of Austro-Hungarian and German prisoners of the First World War. The letters of soldiers and officers to their families and friends are reflective of the captivity hardships they had to face in the Russian camps. Of particular scientific interest is the information about their daily life, political stance, contacts with the locals and social adaptation. The author describes different attitudes of the prisoners of war to their conditions and new social status, focusing on a range of emotions of the individual prinsoners of war reported about by the military censors. Written personal correspondence is a unique primary source for studying the past. Thus, the analysis of archival documents provides the information about different reactions of prisoners of war to the same historical event. Such a variety of opinions contributes to the comparative analysis aimed at establishing the truth. New archival documents introduced by the author into the academic circulation supplement the data about the conditions of prisoners of the First World War, namely those dispersed in the Omsk military district in the summer of 1917.

scholarly journals The Content and Treatment of Prisoners of war During the First World War (on the example of the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces)

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Anna M. Chapaeva
Keyword(s):  
Medical Care ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
First World

This article is devoted to the content of prisoners of war in the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces during the First World War. The international and Russian legal framework for the detention of prisoners of war is indicated, which prescribes the conditions for providing medical care, the use of labor and the treatment of officers and lower ranks. Examples of the content of prisoners of war and the attitude of the local population to military prisoners are given. The approximate expenses for the maintenance of prisoners of war in the specified provinces are shown. The generaliter information concerning equipment with medical and disinfection equipment is given. The analysis of archival documents and publications concerning the maintenance of prisoners of war is carried out.

De Brusselse vereniging De Veldbloem zoekt toenadering tot Hendrik Conscience. Twee pas ontdekte brieven

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-289
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
De Man ◽  
First World

Het wordt in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging aanvaard dat Hendrik Conscience door de Brusselse progressieve vereniging ‘De Veldbloem’ in 1872 werd gevraagd om te kandideren voor de parlementaire verkiezingen. Conscience zou dat geweigerd hebben. Dit is uiteraard geen onbetekenend feit in de biografie van de man die ‘zijn volk leerde lezen’.Dit gegeven is terug te voeren op de geschriften van Antoon Jacob (°1889) van na de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Jacob werd beschouwd als een autoriteit inzake Conscience. Maar waar is het bewijs? Hij verwees daarbij naar “uitvoerige correspondentie” maar die is niet te vinden. Het ADVN slaagde erin om de archivalische nalatenschap van de in 1947 gestorven Jacob te verwerven. Daarin bleken heel wat brieven van en aan Conscience te zitten. De briefwisseling met ‘De Veldbloem’ was onderwerp van deze bijdrage. Daarin is geen spoor te vinden van de poging om Conscience op het politieke strijdtoneel te brengen in Brussel. Daarbij moet de vraag gesteld worden hoe Jacob deze archiefstukken verzamelde en wat ermee is gebeurd tijdens zijn turbulente leven en talrijke omzwervingen. Het is best mogelijk dat er een en ander is verloren gegaan. Toch is deze nalatenschap een belangrijke aanwinst voor de studie van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging en die van Conscience in het bijzonder. ________ The Brussels association ‘De Veldbloem’ seeks contact with Hendrik Conscience. Two recently discovered letters It is an accepted fact in the historiography of the Flemish Movement that the Brussels progressive Association ‘De Veldbloem’ [=the Wildflower] asked Hendrik Conscience in 1872 to be their candidate for the parliamentary elections. It is said that Hendrik Conscience refused the request. This is of course a very significant fact in the biography of the man ‘who taught his people to read.’ This information may be inferred from the writings of Antoon Jacob (°1889) from the period after the First World War. Jacob was regarded as an authority on Conscience. But where is the evidence of this? In his claim, he referred to ‘extensive correspondence’, but that correspondence is not extant. The ADVN managed to acquire the archival legacy of Jacob who died in 1947. It turned out that it included quite a number of letters to and from Conscience. The exchange of letters with ‘De Veldbloem’ was the subject of this contribution. It contains no trace of the attempt to bring Conscience into the political arena in Brussels. It raises the question how Jacob collected these archival documents and what happened to them during his turbulent life and his many peregrinations.  It is certainly possible that some documents have been lost. However, this legacy is still an important acquisition for the study of the history of the Flemish Movement and of Conscience in particular.

Life conditions of Turkish prisoners on nargin island during the first world war

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity

Lord Beaverbrook's Fabrications in Politicians and the War, 1914–1916

1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
First World War ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Commons ◽  
First World

In spite of occasional protests Lord Beaverbrook's narrative of British domestic politics during the first world war seems to retain the authority of a primary source. This is particularly true of the passages in Politicians and the war, 1914–1916 which cover the events in which he, then Sir Max Aitken, claimed to have taken an influential part. Mr A. J. P. Taylor in his appraisal of Beaverbrook's second volume covering the fall of Asquith in 1916 declares: ‘ It provides essential testimony for events during a great political crisis — perhaps the most detailed account of such a crisis ever written from the inside... The narrative is carried along by rare zest and wit, yet with the detached impartiality of the true scholar. ‘ Beaverbrook's apparent advantages might well seem conclusive. He was a contemporary agent as well as observer, summed up in his jaunty ‘ I was there!’. He was supposed to have enjoyed the complete confidence of Bonar Law, to have run a newspaper and to have kept a diary. An M.P. and virtual parliamentary private secretary to Bonar Law, whose rise to the Commons party leadership he appeared to have engineered, Aitken could be presumed to be politically on the ‘inside’. A tycoon of Canadian business ‘mergers’ and a self-made millionaire at a young age, he was esteemed by Law to be one of the cleverest men he knew.

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