scholarly journals The global war on terror, American foreign policy, and its impact on Islam and Muslim societies

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fuad Fanani

The global war on terror that was started after 11/9 tragedy has continued until<br />to date. The global war on terror not only shaped the new political balance in the<br />international world, but also influenced the relationships between the U.S. and<br />Western countries with Muslims countries and Muslims around the world. This is<br />because the war on terror has positioned Islam and Muslims in negative image<br />as the serious threat to the West. Many people stated that the 11/9 tragedy is the<br />evidence of “the clash of civilizations” between Islam and the West. As a result,<br />some observers argue that the war on terror is the war against Islam based on<br />the clash of civilizations thesis. However, others rebut this argument by explaining<br />the facts that many Islamic countries supported to the war on terror. In fact,<br />Islam has many schools of thought and cannot be understood in single understanding.<br />Importantly, Islamic extremist movements are not the mainstream group<br />in Muslims societies. This article will examine the relationship between the war<br />on terror and the clash of civilizations thesis. It also assesses the Islamic world<br />and Muslims response toward this agenda. It will argue that the war on terror is not war against Islam, but the war against terrorist groups and radical Muslims<br />which often hijacked Islam.<br />Perang global atas teror yang diprakarsai Amerika Serikat sebagai tanggapan<br />terhadap tragedi 11 September 2011 terus berlanjut hingga hari ini. Diskursus ini<br />tidak hanya memengaruhi keseimbangan politik dalam percaturan international,<br />namun juga mempunyai dampak yang signifikan terhadap relasi antara Islam<br />dan Barat. Hal ini karena Islam dan kaum Muslim ditempatkan pada posisi yang<br />negatif dan menjadi ancaman nyata terhadap Barat. Berkaitan dengan itu,<br />masyarakat banyak yang mempercayai bahwa tragedi 11 September adalah bukti<br />nyata dari tesis “benturan peradaban” antara Islam dan Barat. Dalam hal ini,<br />banyak pengamat juga meyakini bahwa the global war on terror adalah perang<br />melawan Islam berdasarkan analisis benturan peradaban. Namun, sebagian<br />pengamat membantah bahwa perang ini adalah perang melawan Islam dengan<br />menunjukkan bukti banyak negara Muslim yang bergabung dengan agenda ini. Di<br />samping itu, Islam juga mempunyai banyak mazhab pemikiran dan tidak bisa<br />dipahami menjadi hanya satu pemahaman. Gerakan Islam ekstremis pun, tidak<br />menjadi arus utama dalam masyarakat Islam. Artikel ini akan menganalisis<br />hubungan antara the global ar on terror dan benturan antarperadaban. Juga<br />akan dibahas respon dunia Islam dan masyarakat Muslim terhadap agenda global<br />ini. Berkaitan dengan itu, artikel ini akan berargumen bahwa the global war<br />on terror bukanlah perang melawan Islam, namun perang melawan teroris dan<br />Muslim radikal yang seringkali membajak Islam.

Author(s):  
Avinash Paliwal

The Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha in March 2001 outraged India (and the world). It killed any scope for conciliation with the Taliban. In this context, the US decision to take military action in Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks was welcomed by many in India. However, Washington’s decision to undertake such action without UN approval (which came only in December 2001) sparked another round of debate between the partisans and the conciliators. As this chapter shows, the former were enthusiastic about supporting the US in its global war on terror, but the latter advocated caution given Washington’s willingness to partner with Islamabad. Despite the global trend to ‘fight terrorism’, the conciliators were successful in steering India away from getting involved in Afghanistan militarily.


Author(s):  
Laurent Bonnefoy

Contemporary Yemen has an image-problem. It has long fascinated travelers and artists, and to many the country embodies both Arab and Muslim authenticity; it stands at important geostrategic and commercial crossroads. Yet, strangely, Yemen is globally perceived as somehow both marginal and passive, while also being dangerous and problematic. The Saudi offensive launched in 2015 has made Yemen a victim of regional power struggles, while the global “war on terror” has labelled it a threat to international security. This perception has had disastrous effects without generating real interest in the country or its people. On the contrary, Yemen's complex political dynamics have been largely ignored by international observers--resulting in problematic, if not counterproductive, international policies. Yemen and the World aims at correcting these misconceptions and omissions, putting aside the nature of the world's interest in Yemen to focus on Yemen's role on the global stage. Laurent Bonnefoy uses six areas of modern international exchange--globalization, diplomacy, trade, migration, culture and militant Islamism--to restore Yemen to its place at the heart of contemporary affairs. To understand Yemen, he argues, is to understand the Middle East as a whole.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fahim Khan, Dr. Muhammad Ayaz Khan

Terrorism is a universally contested concept with varying understanding in different regions of the world. Its conceptualization in developed countries and developing countries is different in the essence of perception and operationalization. This study attempts to explore the genesis of terrorism generally in Pakistan and Swat valley in particular. It explores the causes and major driving forces of terrorism and the factors which contributed to its spread because of social fault lines. The menace of terrorism had been globalized in the wake of 9/11, which led the US to initiate global war on terror, but its implications on Pakistan were triggered by the US invasion of Afghanistan and the contributions of Pakistan in this regard. The global geographic attraction of Pakistan makes it vulnerable to any critical development in the world by default. To analyze the causes and impacts of the study, this study relies on a descriptive method of analysis backed by primary and secondary data in a bid to provide more diversity for a broader understanding of the outcome. This study found out multiple factors including weak social fabric, political instability, the grim economic situation of masses, poor education and health facilities, and above all, lack of social justice responsible for instigating violence in the region and urge to challenge the writ of the state, this study further debates on the losses incurred to inhabitants with the destruction of civil infrastructure. Pakistan lost approximately 35000  civilians and 7000 military personnel in the war on terror in exclusion to the loss of the economy in this particular area. This study efforts to suggest concrete steps to improve security conditions in the area to foster socio-economic development in the region and provide adequate facilities and living standards.


This paper investigates Tariq Ali’s representations of Islamic civilization and the relationship between Islam and the West during the medieval times in his novel A Sultan in Palermo (2005). The paper argues that by means of resorting to history, Ali reflects on the current affairs between Islam and the West, particularly with regard to the ongoing “War on Terror”. Making use of postcolonial approaches, particularly Edwards Said’s views on the relationship between Islam and the West as well as Hayden White’s ideas on history and historical fiction, the article contends that Ali renarrates history from the view point of the colonized to challenge ideas behind Samuel Huntington’s theory of the “Clash of Civilizations” as well as contemporary Western media’s depictions of Muslims and Islamic cultures as backward and violent. The article maintains that by providing horrendous depictions of war and by suggesting that military action breeds further violence, Ali undermines the ongoing political discourse that the “War on Terror” can defeat terrorism and contribute towards establishing peace worldwide.


2021 ◽  
pp. 185-210
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Barder

This chapter focuses on the development of the notion of the “clash of civilizations” as the reformulation of a racialized discourse of international politics and its political salience during the so-called global war on terror. Huntington’s work provides, in a sense, a revitalization and reformulation of the global racial imaginary and its capacity to actualize enmity and violence. Specifically, the chapter examines the processes of racialization of Islam and a new form of enmity, which takes on increasingly important political effects during the 1990s and after September 11, 2001, global politics. The chapter concludes by situating the wider American global war on terror within this frame of civilization versus barbarism.


Author(s):  
David P. Oakley

After 9/11, the DoD sought to sever its perceived reliance on national intelligence. These changes were in part motivated by previous reviews of intelligence and in part by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s desire to consolidate power and capability within the DoD. The enacted changes resulted in a significant transformation of defense intelligence and influenced how the DoD interacted with the CIA and the broader Intelligence Community. For better or worse, individual leaders shaped the DoD/CIA relationship immediately following 9/11. These leaders’ influence highlights how parochial and nonparochial personalities affected the DoD/CIA relationship during the global war on terror. Fortunately, the influence of nonparochial leaders shaped the relationship in a more positive direction.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-418
Author(s):  
Madiha Tahir

As violence work, policing exceeds the institution of the police. Indeed, the latest bout of American invasions that cluster under the label “global war on terror” have been framed as policing operations by American officials as well as scholars. What, then, is the relationship between these two violence workers, the soldier and the police officer? Should we characterize violence work, from Ferguson to Fallujah, as “policing”? And if so, how? What productive analytics, politics, and solidarities can such a framing underwrite? Equally important, what significant inequalities in the global regimes of power does such an analytic obscure? This special issue of Public Culture leverages the strengths of an interdisciplinary conversation to examine the discourses and practices of policing as a concept.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document