UNITED STATES AND WAR ON TERROR: COSTS OF THE PYRRHIC VICTORY

The withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan during August 2021 puts an end to the longest war that America has ever fought and the first phase of the Global War on Terrorism. In this regard, two important questions arise, which we will try to answer in this paper. First, what are the main external and internal consequences that the United States has faced due to engaging in the “War on Terror”? Second, did the U.S. achieve its goals in that war? The external effects we have identified are the crisis of global leadership, the weakening of relations with the allies, the growth of China in the lee, and the rise of populism. Among the internal ones, we included the strengthening of the presidential function, the increase of state power, more profound social polarization, an increase in budget expenditures, and a growing deficit, as well as human casualties. In the end, we contributed to the debate on the nature of the U.S. “victory”. We are providing the argumentation in the direction that the final output of War on Terror should be named Pyrrhic victory.

DIPLOMASI PUBLIK INDONESIA MELALUI BALI DEMOCRACY FORUM

Public Diplomacy for a country is an important tool. This study aims to analyze the public diplomacy strategy carried out by Indonesia as a response to the Global War on Terror (GWOT) policy carried out by America after the events of September 11, 2001. Public diplomacy carried out by Indonesia through the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) is growing. Every year the number of participating countries participating in the BDF continues to increase. Indonesia must be able to take advantage of this momentum and formulate an increasingly comprehensive public diplomacy strategy in order to improve Indonesia's self- image in the eyes of the international community. This study uses qualitative research methods with descriptive research types and secondary data collection through literature studies, such as books, journals, e-books, e- journals, and other internet sources such as from government agencies, ministries, embassies of the Republic of Indonesia (RI) and portals. online news

The Ethics of War and War-Making: A Philosophical Interrogation of African Involvement in the World Wars and Their Exclusion From War Monuments and Memorials

Wars are cataclysmic events that inflict horrendous damage on people and society. In the case of the two World Wars whose magnitudes were global, and manners of prosecution total, this assertion pales in logic. The dangers that a future global war could pose for humanity given the tremendous leaps forward in the science and technology of warfare and weapons since the last World War are tremendous. This paper aims to use the examination of the ethics of war and warfare as backdrop on the analytical assessment of the implications of the exclusion of Africans from both the memorial and monuments that honor soldiers and their service in the two World Wars, even though their service and sundry contributions are salient and tremendous. The paper calls up the issue of racial identity in both Wars in puzzles: Do African soldiers in the Wars share a common humanity with their White counterparts? If they do, another puzzle is the following: Why then is their service still being commodified, to the extent of exclusion in memorials and monuments to soldiers that served and died in both Wars? The damning extrapolation from these puzzles is that there is still the belief albeit erroneous, in the establishment circles that regardless of the facts of history about the Wars, Africans are still viewed as lacking in contributions to the resolution of the threats that the World Wars represented to global peace. To reposition that under laying mind-set, the paper recommends the inclusion of African values of complementarity and inclusiveness in the quest for lasting global peace and the prevention of future Wars.

Income, Nationality and Subjectivity in Media Text

This article takes a bird’s eye view of how positive or negative sentiments in the news press about countries and nationality nouns seem to reflect the country’s general income groups. The study focuses on the four income groups classified by the World Bank and their co-occurrence with positively and negatively classified adjectives from the Subjectivity Lexicon for Czech. A search in the journalistic subcorpus of the SYN series, release 8 of the Czech National Corpus, results in a time line covering three decades. Previous research on subjectivity has either focused on other parts of the Subjectivity Lexicon or on fewer adjectives from other languages. In this article, it is argued that the income groups are treated in descending order, i.e., the higher the income, the more positive the sentiment. Even when the most influential groups in the top and bottom are removed, the result holds. Discourse concerning global war and peace, and the security of different nations, is also detected as a result.

Positioning Religion in International Relations: The Performative, Discursive, and Relational Dimension of Religious Soft Power

Amidst the global religious resurgence in the post-secular world, the field of international relations finds itself unwilling or unable to situate religion back to theoretical paradigms subject to the Westphalian–Enlightenment prejudice. Advocates of religion’s theoretical and empirical significance often turn to religious soft power, a burgeoning theory that gradually becomes the anchorage of discussion but still suffers from conceptual ambiguity and limited explanatory capacity. This essay endeavors to fill in this lacuna by presenting the interdisciplinary attempt to integrate soft power in IR with the three dimensions of power in sociology, which results in a typology of performative, discursive, and relational dimensions of religious soft power. The explanatory and predictive capacity of this model is tested in the empirical case of the evangelical group’s influence on US foreign policy of the post 9/11 Global War on Terror. A process-level historical account based on archival sources furthers scholars’ knowledge of transnational religious actors’ ability to seize both systematic transformations at the international level and contentious dynamics in the domestic environment, which generates a reorientation in norms, identities, and values that contributes to the outcome of foreign policy, thereby answering the un-addressed question of how religion influences domestic and international politics. The bridging of IR, sociology, and historical sociology, three fields often intertwined, suggests a future direction for not only the religious return to IR but also the overcoming of the “intellectual autism” of this discipline, which needs to be better prepared for continuous challenges of soaring populism, nationalism, and clash of civilizations in the twenty-first century.

Pemaknaan Islam Moderat Sebagai Sebuah Terminologi

This article aims to find out the meaning of the term moderate Islam as a terminology. The problem is focused on reviewing the language and its history, as well as from the context of the political interests that lie behind it. In order to approach the problem, this article uses a reference to the theory of terminology. The data were collected through a literature review of various similar studies that have been conducted. Furthermore, the data obtained were analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that there is a bias in understanding the terminology of moderate Islam which lies in equating the word "Islam" with the word "ummah", so that the term "ummatan wasatan" is then equated with "moderate Islam". This interpretation bias is strongly influenced by the global political context related to the emergence of the term terrorism and the concept of the global war on terrorism (GWOT) which was coined by the United States during the George W. Bush Junior administration.

The Battalion Aid Station—The Forgotten Frontier of the Army Health System During the Global War on Terrorism

ABSTRACT Background The battalion aid station (BAS) has historically served as the first stop during which combat casualties would receive care beyond a combat medic. Since the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, many combat casualties have bypassed the BAS for treatment facilities capable of surgery. We describe the care provided at these treatment facilities during 2007–2020. Methods This is a secondary analysis of previously described data from the Department of Defense Trauma Registry. We included encounters with the documentation of an assessment or intervention at a BAS or forward operating base from January 1, 2007 to March 17, 2020. We utilized descriptive statistics to characterize these encounters. Results There were 28,950 encounters in our original dataset, of which 3.1% (884) had the documentation of a prehospital visit to a BAS. The BAS cohort was older (25 vs. 24, P < .001) The non-BAS cohort saw a larger portion of pediatric (<18 years) patients (10.7% vs. 5.7%, P < .001). A higher proportion of BAS patients had nonbattle injuries (40% vs. 20.7%, P < .001). The mean injury severity score was higher in the non-BAS cohort (9 vs. 5, P < .001). A higher proportion of the non-BAS cohort had more serious extremity injuries (25.1% vs. 18.4%, P < .001), although the non-BAS cohort had a trend toward serious injuries to the abdomen (P = .051) and thorax (P = .069). There was no difference in survival. Conclusions The BAS was once a critical point in casualty evacuation and treatment. Within our dataset, the overall number of encounters that involved a stop at a BAS facility was low. For both the asymmetric battlefield and multidomain operations/large-scale combat operations, the current model would benefit from a more robust capability to include storage of blood, ventilators, and monitoring and hold patients for an undetermined amount of time.