A methodology for calculating the structural public deficit. Its application to the case of France in 2020.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Pichet
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
pp. 545
Author(s):  
Nihad Toualbia ◽  
Aouatef Metarref ◽  
Latifa Bahloul
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Marta de Vicente Lama ◽  
◽  
Magdalena Cordobés Madueño ◽  
Mercedes Torres Jiménez ◽  
◽  
...  

Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Leruth ◽  
Peter Taylor-Gooby

The 2015 UK General Election campaign was mostly dominated by the issues of immigration, public debt, and income inequality. While most political parties adopted austerity-led programmes in order to reduce the level of public deficit, their stances on immigration vary significantly despite the two main parties converging on a welfare chauvinist frame. This article compares party positions to policy recommendations formulated by participants in a democratic forum as part of the ‘Welfare States Futures: Our Children’s Europe’ project in order to determine whether recent party pledges on immigration are being used by citizens in a large group discussion over the future of welfare policy in the United Kingdom. The analysis shows that while participants are committed to tougher policies in order to reduce existing levels of net migration, most of the policy priorities formulated do not match those of the two mainstream parties (i.e. the Conservative Party and the Labour Party) but rather those of the UK Independence Party (UKIP). It also demonstrates that participants’ individual political preferences do not seem to match their own positions on immigration and that there is little difference between left-leaning and right-leaning voters.


Author(s):  
Piedad García-Escudero Márquez

Tras el establecimiento de la “restricción europea” al déficit público, la derivada del Tratado de Maastricht y del Pacto de Estabilidad y Crecimiento, las Comunidades Autónomas han estado sujetas a reglas fiscales relativas al déficit y a la deuda, así como a la gestión de sis presupuestos. Esta normativa, sin embargo, no evitó que algunas Comunidades incumplieran los objetivos se estabilidad persupuestaria probablemente porque carecía de un eficaz sistema de sanciones. Este trabajo examina el alcance de la reforma del art. 135 de la Constitución, y especialmente se centra en el margen de maniobra que el nuevo artículo atribuye al Estado para imponer a los gobiernos autonómicos el cumplimiento de los límites de déficit y deuda.After the introduction of the “European restriction” to public deficit, resulting from the Treaty of Maastricht and the Stability and Growth Pact, the Autonomous Communities have been subject to formal fiscal rules with regard to the deficit and the debt, as well as the management of their budgets. However, this regulation did not prevent some Autonomous Communities failed to comply with the budgetary stability objectives, probably because it lacked an effective system of sanctions. This paper examines the scope of the constitutional amendment of article 135, and focuses particularly on the margin of maneuver that new article 135 gives the State to impose the regional governments meet the deficit and debt limits.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 503-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Wilsher

AbstractTo complement the ‘no shared liability’ rule and public deficit limits, the Maastricht Treaty gave the European Central Bank (ECB) a narrow remit to focus on price stability. Crucially, as a ‘non-sovereign’ central bank, it was unclear that the ECB would act as lender of last resort in the event of market panics. The neoliberal orthodoxy at the heart of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) held that moral hazard and inflationary risks militated against anything resembling ‘illegal monetary financing’. Following monetary union, markets under-priced risks and encouraged bubbles, but, with the onset of the crisis, sentiment overshot the other way, starving credit from banks and later sovereigns. With bailout funds limited and austerity failing to improve debt spreads, sovereigns became illiquid. ECB officials reluctantly concluded that an uncontrolled sovereign default would threaten the continuation of monetary union. The ECB was thus forced de facto to expand its mandate, first to help banks and, later, to help sovereigns facing loss of access to bond markets. Ultimately this was successful in restoring confidence, but the ECB remained uncomfortable with its role. It has continued to stress its legal limitations and has pressed for reformed governance to enforce fiscal discipline. The economic case for a lender of last resort in a crisis was always strong, but brings with it a worsening moral hazard problem that may invite leaders to avoid the deeper political changes necessary to rebalance the Eurozone.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 209-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria do Rosario Correia ◽  
Reinhard Neck ◽  
Theodore Panagiotidis ◽  
Christian Richter

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