scholarly journals THE GEOPOLITICAL REALITY OF SERBIA AND ITS SECURITY

TEME ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1171
Author(s):  
Igor Vukonjanski ◽  
Dragoljub Sekulović
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The Us ◽  
Power Centers ◽  
The Republic

In the assessment of Serbia’s security within the Balkan geopolitical node, it is important to analyze the position of foreign political centers of power and their geopolitical partners in the region, as well as the relations with other geopolitical nodes (Caucasus, Middle East) or key zones (Bosphorus, Dardanelles, Suez). Usually, power centers such as the US, NATO, EU, Russia and others demonstrate their inclination to protect the interests of a particular ethnic group, religious inclination, or state. The relations between Eurasia (Russia) and Orthodox Serbia, as well as between Mitteleurope (Germany, Austria) and Catholic Croatia can serve as examples from history. From the specific European, Eurasian and global centers of geopolitical power, the Balkans are viewed in terms of a very specific geopolitical interest.In such a sensitive environment, the Republic of Serbia seeks to find a balanced relationship both with the great powers and with the states and peoples in the immediate environment. Balancing military neutrality, threading the path to European integration, and turning to Russia and Eurasian allies, all raise a number of issues in the area of security and stable political positioning on the contemporary world stage.

Learning Geopolitical Pluralism

2018 ◽  
pp. 167-192
Author(s):  
Clement M. Henry
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
International Regimes ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Supply And Distribution ◽  
Strategic Value ◽  
State Actors

The Middle East, viewed by many as a geopolitical prize astride three continents, is now sharply contested and fragmented by proxy wars in Libya, Syria, and Yemen reflecting a painful readjustment of the global balance that empowers regional rivalries. While the local conflicts are not about oil, the imputed strategic value of the commodity has reinforced the region’s geopolitical significance as an arena for competition among great powers. This chapter surveys present and past international regimes for managing the supply and distribution of oil. It is argued that key state actors may learn to practice geopolitical pluralism in this clearly defined sector of international political economy, with potential spill-over into related sectors alleviating the contemporary world disorder

scholarly journals "NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY

2016 ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
E. T. Mehdiyev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Opposition Movements

The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to manifestations of neo-Ottomanism in the post-Soviet region and the Middle East, as well as "soft power" strategy in the Turkish neo-Ottomanism. Activities of Ankara in the regions belonging to the sphere of its geopolitical interests is carried out on political, economic, religious, cultural and educational levels. Rapprochement with the political and business circles of influence of countries in the region is aimed at the formation of pro-Turkish lobby. "Arab Spring" has given Turkey a historic opportunity to realize its neo-Ottoman ambitions and create a new order in the Middle East. Turkey's rapprochement with the Islamic world during the 'Arab Spring' demonstrated that Ankara supported in conjunction with the Western nations protest and opposition movements in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, aims to demonstrate to the West the growth of its influence in the region. Mediation is used in regional conflicts Turkish leadership as an instrument of "soft power", with which Ankara aims to increase its international and regional credibility. The result of "neo-Ottoman" Turkey's policy in relations with Russia became a serious crisis in all spheres of cooperation. Strategic mistakes made by the head of the republic R. Erdogan in the settlement of the Syrian crisis, may lead to instability of the entire region. The author considers the possible directions of neo-Ottoman Turkey's policy in the studied regions in the near future.

scholarly journals Two orients in Rudolf Bruci's opera Gilgamesh

Muzikologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
pp. 153-165
Author(s):  
Branka Radovic
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The West ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Medieval Church ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
The Many ◽  
Place And Identity

The theme of this article is the ancient Orient as imagined by the Serbian composer Rudolf Bruci (1917-2002). The finale of his monumental opera Gilgamesh (1986; libretto by Arsa Milosevic), makes display of heterogeneous musical material based on different oriental scales. The modernity of the opera is affirmed through the usage of varied techniques of 20th century composition. It is hard to explain why Bruci introduced the well-known medieval church melody "Ninja sili nebesniye" ("Now the celestial powers") into the finale of his opera. The melody was signed by kir Stephan the Serb and has been preserved in a 15th century manuscript. The quotation of "Ninja sili" in the finale of Gilgamesh could be interpreted as an attempt at bridging the many centuries that divide the ancient times that gave birth to the Assyrian myth and our contemporary world, by making reference to the heritage of medieval Serbia when that state was a part of the Byzantine world stretching from the middle East to the Balkans. That compositional gesture of Rudolf Bruci seems to have the meaning of questioning the historical and cultural place and identity of the Serbs through the centuries. If that is correctly interpreted, the composer thus gave his own contribution to the often discussed question of the Serbian belonging to both the East and the West. The "two Orients" in the title of the article are an allusion to the pagan and the Christian Orients, but they can also provoke a discussion of the contemporary divisions between the East and the West.

Geopolitics of a changing world order: US strategy and the scramble for the Eurasian Heartland

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-180
Author(s):  
Amr G. E. Sabet
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
World Order ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Underlying Causes

Geopolitics is about power and hegemony, with its dual components of domination and consent. Controlling space requires dominion. Organizing and administering space at reasonable costs demands authority and acquiescence. This conceptualization of geopolitics pertains to the underlying causes behind current instabilities in the Middle East as they link with broader geopolitical and strategic interests of great powers, particularly the US. Geopolitical theory helps offer deeper insights into how American decision makers are likely to think and act in the post-Cold War era, and in explaining, understanding, and possibly reading and forming expectations about US policies. It allows for more clarity in observing continuities in US strategy and in shaping expectations about tactics and policies in the service of its durable strategic international and global interests. The main argument of this paper is that the American ruling establishment, together with its supporting intellectual and military structures, persists in observing the emerging global venture geopolitically. In those terms much of what is occurring in the Arab region, more specifically in countries such as Syria among others, can be understood. It is also in those terms that one can conceptualize the American approach toward regional and world powers such as Iran, China and Russia.

scholarly journals The relations between France and the Middle East states during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron in the context of settlement of regional crises

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Anna Alekseevna Komakha ◽  
Mikhail Aleksandrovich Ivashkin ◽  
Mikhail Vladimirovich Kotov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Republic

This article analyzes the relations between France and the Middle East states through the prism of foreign policy course of Emmanuel Macron, who was elected as the president of France on May 14, 2017. The Middle East vector of foreign policy is traditional for the Republic, and therefore is one of the foreign policy priorities for the current leader. The author aim to determine the essence and key peculiarities of the Middle East course of E. Macron. For achieving the set goal it is necessary to outline the priority foreign policy vectors of the president and range of countries in the region that are subject to the measures of his chosen course; analyze in which states and to what extent the leader of the Republic continues the policy of his predecessors who were in power since the early XXI century; and changes in the relations between France and certain Middle East states. The conclusion is made on the presence of particular factors that hinder the conduct of smart policy in the region, which would meet the interests of all Middle Eastern actors. Disaccord of the French leader with his international partners regarding the Middle East regulation significantly complicates the implementation of smart foreign relative to the Arab world. E. Macron is currently paying scrupulous attention to the policy of European integration, which raises a number of unresolved issues regarding the Middle East. This alongside the domestic political issues undermines the authority of the current French leader.

The Alliance between Fundamentalist Christians and the Pro-Israel Lobby: Christian Zionism in US Middle East Policy

2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
International Media ◽  
Christian Zionism ◽  
The Us ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Middle East Policy ◽  
Near Future ◽  
Political Scene

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.

In Quest of a Second Boom

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
East Region ◽  
Personal Motivation ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Different Parts

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.

The Great Powers and the Middle East

1973 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Stephens
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Great Powers

Major powers and geopolitical transformations in the Middle East: competing visions for managing international and regional balances

2019 ◽  
pp. 301
Author(s):  
Marwan Awni Kamil
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
New Realism ◽  
Major Powers

This study attempts to give a description and analysis derived from the new realism school in the international relations of the visions of the great powers of the geopolitical changes witnessed in the Middle East after 2011 and the corresponding effects at the level of the international system. It also examines the alliances of the major powers in the region and its policies, with a fixed and variable statement to produce a reading that is based on a certain degree of comprehensiveness and objectivity.

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