political influence
Recently Published Documents


TOTAL DOCUMENTS

1703
(FIVE YEARS 653)

H-INDEX

40
(FIVE YEARS 8)

2022 ◽  

In the 19th century, foreigners had unprecedented access to Spanish America, as the newly independent nations welcomed travelers as readily as they accepted foreign loans and investment capital. Britons were able to freely travel into the South American interior, and commercial ties between Britain and Latin America grew quickly. Cultural and economic exchanges proceeded in two major waves: the first occurred during and in the immediate aftermath of the Wars of Independence, and then, after a cooling-off period, during the second half of the century, when infrastructural and technological advances opened up the Latin American hinterlands to capitalist expansion. International trade grew after 1850, along with Britain’s role in Latin American culture. Britain remained the hegemonic foreign power in Latin America until the First World War. These relationships left their mark on both British and Latin American literatures. In addition to a vast number of travel books about Latin American countries by adventurers, explorers, and tourists, British poets, novelists, philosophers, and historians also drew inspiration from this still relatively unknown territory. Toward the end of the 20th century, Victorian studies began to focus more insistently on British and Latin American exchanges, often making use of historical analyses that interpreted the British-Latin American relationship in terms of dependency theory and world-systems theory. These analyses have generally characterized Britain’s enormous economic, cultural, and political influence in terms of informal imperialism, a strategy for establishing domination over a territory without ruling it directly; however, the nature of British imperialism in Latin America, and its implications for cultural analysis, remain much debated. Currently, literary studies of Britain’s role in Latin America, and Latin America’s role within the British literary imaginary, constitute a large and growing body of scholarship. This bibliographic introduction offers an overview of important texts produced in the 19th century, as well as major currents of scholarship in literary studies and related humanities disciplines.


2022 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-259
Author(s):  
M Yusuf AR

This study aims to determine the implications of TNT repositioning on National Resilience. The research method uses descriptive qualitative research. The data is sourced from books, journals, articles, or newspaper news. The results of the study indicate that the implications of military repositioning on national security can be seen from the growth of other components of national resilience, especially civil society in the form of civil society. However, figures from the military still have political influence and are accepted by civil society. In conclusion, the repositioning of the TNI has implications for the growth of new forces such as political parties, community organizations, and NGOs that can support national security. However, these forces are not strong enough because of the democratization process in Indonesia. Indonesia itself is not mature enough.


2022 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  

Purpose This paper aims to review the latest management developments across the globe and pinpoint practical implications from cutting-edge research and case studies. Design/methodology/approach This briefing is prepared by an independent writer who adds their own impartial comments and places the articles in context. Findings Moderates form the strongest and most loyal bonds to brands so long as they are not alienated by overly strong political affiliations by such brands. Originality/value The briefing saves busy executives, strategists and researchers hours of reading time by selecting only the very best, most pertinent information and presenting it in a condensed and easy-to-digest format.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie Müller

Opposition parties in minority governments are partly responsible for government stability without being able to neglect their accountability to the electorate, a dilemma that, as this book shows, has many electoral as well as policy advantages for opposition parties. This book’s analysis of opposition behavior in the Swedish Riksdag (1991–2018) sheds light on the rationality of minority governments from an opposition perspective: receiving political influence without jeopardizing one's party profile. The author studies oppositional behavior in Swedish minority governments using quantitative and qualitative methods.


2022 ◽  
pp. 337-353
Author(s):  
Germain Miteu Tshinu

Some resource-rich countries face challenges when it comes to the socio-economic development of its employees and the community at large. This study seeks to examine Gecamines' contribution to the socio-economic conditions of its employees based in the Lubumbashi area and to some extent the province of Katanga under the rubric of resource curse theory. Through this study, lessons can be learnt from the findings on how state-owned mining companies could work on improving their socio-economic contributions in the interest of the employees and the entire population through generated revenues for the state. The study employed a case study design with a qualitative approach research in its endeavour of exploring Gecamines' socio-economic contribution to its employees in the city of Lubumbashi and the development of Katanga Province as a whole. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Gecamines' managers, unskilled mine workers, and the Provincial Department of Mines' officers in the city of Lubumbashi. The key findings from these interactions are that the company's low level of production caused by poor management, political interference, corruption, and poor institutions had negative ramifications on the socio-economic conditions of the workers. A remedy to these challenges lies in strengthening the country's institutions to fight corruption and poor management of parastatals. Autonomy of parastatals from political influence and control is also important to enable the company to play a crucial role in the socio-economic development of employees.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 207-214
Author(s):  
Yana Leksyutina

In recent years, the media and expert discourse have widely spread perceptions of China’s dynamic expansion of its economic presence in Central and Eastern Europe and the accompanying increase in Beijing’s political influence on the countries of the region. This perception is strongly encouraged by the position of certain Western European countries and the EU bureaucracy, which view China as an actor that undermines European solidarity and spreads illiberal values and business practices. The purpose of this article is to assess the real scale of China’s economic presence in Eastern Europe, based on an analysis of official statistics, and to determine the extent to which it converts into Beijing’s political influence over the countries of the region.


Author(s):  
Alexander L. Kleitman ◽  
◽  

Introduction. The Tsaritsyn defense line has attracted the attention of historians since the 18th century, but so far, no special study of the history of the Tsaritsyn line in the 1720s has been undertaken. The period is of interest for its policy of strengthening the military-political influence of Russia in the Caspian region, with the Persian campaign undertaken and control over the movements of the Kalmyks increasing. The article aims to show the role of the Tsaritsyn defense line in these events. Materials and methods. The study intends to systematize and reconsider the information about the Tsaritsyn line presented in the historiography of the Persian campaign, in the history of the Kalmyks, and in the history of the regiments of the Russian imperial army, supplementing them with data of legislative acts and office documentation. Results. Tsaritsyn and the Tsaritsyn line were staging points on the path of the formation and movement of the Nizovoi (Lower), or Persian, Corps; practically all military units involved in the Persian campaign passed through the Tsaritsyn line, which was used for rear functions by the Corps as long as it existed. Tsaritsyn, the fortresses on the line, and the villages of the Don Cossacks closest to the line served as winter quarters for the Corps cavalry: here the dragoon regiments were re-equipped, and individual units were sent on missions along the southern borders of Russia. The Tsaritsyn line introduced serious changes in the life of the nomadic population of the Lower Volga region; passages through the line acquiring great military and political importance. Groups of Kalmyks who passed ‘inside’ turned out to be cut off from the Kuban and Crimeans and from other groups of Kalmyks. There was a symbolic meaning to the crossing of the Tsaritsyn line for Kalmyks who feared that their uluses would be taken away from them or they would be converted to Orthodoxy against their will. The study clarifies the data on the number of troops that served on the Tsaritsyn line in the 1720s. Constant was the presence of at least 500 Cossacks, sent on their mission by the Don army, as well as of several dragoon regiments. In the 1720s, units of the Kronshlots, Olonets, Vologda, Tobolsk, Moscow, Arkhangelsk, Dmitrov, and Saratov dragoon regiments served on the Tsaritsyn line from several months to several years. Conclusions. From the very first years of its construction, the Tsaritsyn line not only protected the southern borders of the Russian Empire, but also became an instrument of the imperial diplomatic and military-political influence on neighboring peoples and states.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document