scholarly journals The relations between France and the Middle East states during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron in the context of settlement of regional crises

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Anna Alekseevna Komakha ◽  
Mikhail Aleksandrovich Ivashkin ◽  
Mikhail Vladimirovich Kotov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Republic

This article analyzes the relations between France and the Middle East states through the prism of foreign policy course of Emmanuel Macron, who was elected as the president of France on May 14, 2017. The Middle East vector of foreign policy is traditional for the Republic, and therefore is one of the foreign policy priorities for the current leader. The author aim to determine the essence and key peculiarities of the Middle East course of E. Macron. For achieving the set goal it is necessary to outline the priority foreign policy vectors of the president and range of countries in the region that are subject to the measures of his chosen course; analyze in which states and to what extent the leader of the Republic continues the policy of his predecessors who were in power since the early XXI century; and changes in the relations between France and certain Middle East states. The conclusion is made on the presence of particular factors that hinder the conduct of smart policy in the region, which would meet the interests of all Middle Eastern actors. Disaccord of the French leader with his international partners regarding the Middle East regulation significantly complicates the implementation of smart foreign relative to the Arab world. E. Macron is currently paying scrupulous attention to the policy of European integration, which raises a number of unresolved issues regarding the Middle East. This alongside the domestic political issues undermines the authority of the current French leader.

scholarly journals THE MIDDLE EAST IN YUGOSLAVIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 1970s

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 397-414
Author(s):  
Pawel Bielicki
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Yom Kippur War ◽  
Middle East Conflict ◽  
Soviet Invasion

The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.

In Quest of a Second Boom

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
East Region ◽  
Personal Motivation ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Different Parts

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.

Middle East Experience in Palliative Care

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghaith F. Abu Zeinah ◽  
Sadeer G. Al-Kindi ◽  
Azza Adel Hassan
Keyword(s):  
Palliative Care ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Formal Education ◽  
Service Providers ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Education And Awareness ◽  
Scarcity Of Resources

Palliative Care (PC) is still a relatively new concept in the Middle East (ME). It was first introduced in Saudi Arabia in 1992 and only recently in countries such as Qatar, Bahrain, and the UAE. Although the majority of Middle-Eastern countries, including Palestine, Iraq, Oman and Lebanon are in the capacity building phase, others such as Saudi and Jordan already have localized provision. In the absence of any of the ME countries approaching integration with the mainstream service providers, Saudi Arabia and Jordan are currently setting examples of achievement in the field. There are still countries with little or no known Palliative Care activity (Yemen and Syria). Political issues, scarcity of resources, and lack of education and awareness seem to be the common factors restricting the progress of this field in most countries. In order to improve the suboptimal PC services in the ME, emphasis should be directed toward providing formal education to professionals and raising awareness of the public. It is also necessary to put all differences aside and develop cross-border collaborations, whether through third party organizations such as the Middle East Cancer Consortium (MECC) or otherwise. This review compiles the available literature on the history and progress of the field of PC in most ME countries, while pointing out the major obstacles encountered by the active parties of each country.

Middle East Dilemma: Pakistan’s Role as Mediator for Conflict Resolution

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Zikriya ◽  
Naushad Khan ◽  
Asif Salim
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
East Region ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Middle East Region

The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

Sindbad's Ocean: Reframing the Market in the Middle East

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 754-757
Author(s):  
Johan Mathew
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Indian Ocean ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Gulliver's Travels ◽  
The World ◽  
Cultural Markers ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
Indian Ocean World

There are few figures as universally beloved and yet recognizably “Middle Eastern” as Sindbad. The text of Sindbad's seven voyages travel easily across continents and languages and many of the tales blur imperceptibly into those of Homer'sThe Odysseyand Swift'sGulliver's Travels. Yet this swashbuckling adventurer is also firmly situated in the world of Abbasid Iraqandthe Indian Ocean world. Sindbad is clearly identified as a good Muslim and respected Baghdadi merchant, and while fantastical, there are recognizable geographic and cultural markers that locate his voyages within the Indian Ocean world. This iconic character of Arab popular culture pushes us to contemplate how easily the Arab world flows into that of the Indian Ocean.

Nazis in the Middle East: Assessing Links Between Nazism and Islam

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIA LEE
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Nazi Regime ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

Since the early-2000s there has been an increasing amount of research on connections between the Nazi regime and the Arab world largely spurred by scholars of Germany. One of the key contributions of this scholarship has been the argument that historic links between National Socialism and Islam, in particular the connection between National Socialist racial ideology and contemporary anti-Semitism in the Middle East, persisted into the post-war period and crucially shaped Middle Eastern politics and policies. This approach is represented in this review in the studies by Matthias Küntzel, Jeffrey Herf, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers and Barry Rubin and Wolfgang Schwanitz, who all – in various ways – suggest that there is a direct line of continuity between National Socialism, the Muslim Brotherhood and the rise of al-Qaeda. By calling attention to the role of National Socialism, these studies challenge what has hitherto been the dominant historiography of the modern Middle East, which contextualises the rise of anti-Semitism in the region within a broader analysis of Arab nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism. The debate on the importance of National Socialism in the Arab world continues to develop. Recent books by historians David Motadel and Stefan Ihrig return the focus from the Middle East to Nazi policy in the region allowing them to place the Nazi regime within a longer history of Western misapprehensions of the ‘Muslim’ world. Placing these two approaches side by side allows us to evaluate the historical evidence of collaboration between Nazism and radical Islam and thereby assess the extent to which Nazi racial ideology penetrated the Arab world.

The Middle Eastern Cold War: Unique Dynamics in a Questionable Regional Framework

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-322
Author(s):  
Jeffrey James Byrne
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
International History ◽  
War Narrative ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Ideological Identity

One of the more prominent themes to emerge from this roundtable is the desire to integrate the history of the modern Middle East with broader trends in international history, particularly with regard to the recent emphasis on “decentralizing” and “globalizing” the Cold War narrative. My own research interests are consistent with this approach, as one of the central concerns of my current project is to show how Algeria's revolutionary nationalists defied the regional categories imposed on them from the outside by pursuing overlapping diplomatic initiatives under the rubrics of Maghribi unity, African unity, Arab unity, Afro-Asianism, and Third Worldism. After independence in 1962, the Algerian foreign ministry's main geographical divisions differed significantly from those used by the U.S. State Department—and most history departments’ hiring committees—by dividing the world into “the West,” “the Socialist Countries,” “the Arab World,” “Africa,” and “Latin America/Asia.” These categories were the product of both practical considerations and ideological/identity politics on the part of Algeria's new leaders, and to my mind suggest that the “Middle East” may itself be a particularly arbitrary and misleading geographical framework, even in comparison to other parts of the developing world where European imperialism exerted a heavy cartographical influence.

scholarly journals Islam in Indonesia’s Foreign Policy, 1945-1949

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Kevin W. Fogg
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Policy Studies ◽  
Counter Example ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Revolution

Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counter-example. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948.[Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]

Turkey and Iran: Strategic Thinking towards the Middle East "Comparative Study"

2019 ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Tareq Mohammed Dhannoon Al Taie
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Strategic Thinking ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Question ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Strategic Performance ◽  
Historical Aspects ◽  
Important Position

The retreat of Iraq after US occupation, the decline of the Arab states after Arab political changes, and the chaos in which following the change after 2011, led to the emergence of a strategic vacuum and absence of a unified response, thus forming an incentive for Iran and Turkey to activate their strategic performance in the Middle East. As an expression of the accumulation of the historical aspects of both powers, as well as the growing abilities, each state try to  increasing of its role, but the central question, where the signs of symmetry and asymmetry?, and why?.        Turkey and Iran are  a regional players in the Middle East. The strategic thinking of the two countries is based on ideology and interest. However, the interest occupies the most important place in the strategic performance, especially in addressing the political issues of Middle East. The symmetry and asymmetry are regarded the basic pillars of the Turkish and Iranian strategic thinking. The research attempts to prove that the interest occupies a more important position than ideology in Turkey and Iran, especially after the political change in the Arab world by clarifying all the characteristics of Iran and Turkey strategic thinking and conduct compares among them.

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