Growing up in the City: A Study of Juvenile Delinquency in an Urban Neighborhood

1961 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Lewis Yablonsky ◽  
John Barron Mays
1961 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
John Spencer

1991 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-10
Author(s):  
Rosalind Cottrell

When I was growing up in the 1950s in one of the poorest neighborhoods in the urban Delta, the closest I came to an anthropologist was the man who dug the dump site near our home looking for old scrap iron to sell. Certainly there was no expectation for me to become an anthropologist from my grandmother, the matriarch of our family. However, she had moved to the city after the death of her husband with expectations of a better life for her four girls. Stressing education as "the way out," she told stories about her slave uncle who recognized the value of education and learned to read from two young girls he drove to school. In turn, he taught this daily lesson to his family around the fire each night. The many evenings sitting on our front porch, and on the front porch of neighbors, watching and listening to grandma's stories and the stories of others, set a foundation for anthropology in my life and led to my becoming a medical anthropologist.


2020 ◽  
pp. 260-282
Author(s):  
Barbara Bennett Woodhouse

Chapter twelve calls for a renewal of the “small is beautiful” movement and explores how the benefits of growing up in a village can be recreated in urban settings. The author presents E. F. Schumacher’s 1973 book Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered, and its relationship to contemporary concepts, such as sustainability and the circular economy. that focus on sustaining human-scaled communities rather than on growing the GDP. The author describes and compares two initiatives that mobilize the strength of collaborative community to benefit at risk children and youth. The first is set in the city of Naples, in southern Italy, where a parish priest named Antonio Loffredo tapped the energy and aspirations of young people to build a collaborative community cooperative in an inner city neighbourhood called La Sanita’, as an alternative to the lure of organized crime. The second is the Harlem Children’s Zone (HCZ), founded in the historically black neighbourhood of New York City by Geoffrey Canada, to prove that black children, given a fair start, could achieve the American dream. While similar in many ways, each initiative was shaped by and reflects the macrosystemic values of the surrounding culture.


Author(s):  
Todd M. Michney

This chapter looks at the ambitious reform agenda that black middle-class activist residents went on to mount in these outlying city neighbourhoods, encompassing housing upkeep, business revitalization, traffic safety, trash removal, and efforts to reduce liquor availability, juvenile delinquency, vice, and crime – all in an attempt to maintain what they considered an acceptable quality of life. Perhaps the most ambitious effort along these lines was a venture in which a group of African American investors purchased and renovated the Lee-Harvard Shopping Center, making it during its existence from 1972-1978 the “largest black-owned commercial complex in the nation.” Sometimes these reform efforts involved moralizing or exhibited an explicit class bias; upwardly mobile middle-class blacks did not always recognize that less well-off newcomers were motivated by similar concerns with liveability. In the end, however, their various attempts to take charge of their lives and communities contributed to the long-term vitality of these neighbourhoods and the city as a whole.


2007 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 103-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Henige

The longtime-accepted equation of Xian with the Siamese kingdom of Suhkothai having been discarded now …Knowledge and speculation would appear to have been confused.”“Considering the enormous output … of theories concerning the Assyrian kings and their chronology—by far the greater art of which has proved untenable in the light of later discoveries and most of which, as we can see now, might well havebeen avoided by refraining from premature speculation …As I was growing up—when the automobile was becoming a standard accoutrement—two large car parks were in the downtown area of the city where I lived. These were not street level but were laid out 15 to 25 feet below the streets, and thousands of cubic yards of dirt had been removed to create these. Since then, much reconstruction (“urban renewal”) has occurred in the area, which entailed putting back just about as much dirt as had been removed earlier. Doubtless, each project required an enormous amount of time, labor, and money, yet the end result was a configuration very much like that which had existed before one minute, one bead of sweat, and one dollar had been spent. Some might regard this as simply an accommodation of differing needs for different times, whereas others might wonder how necessary it all had been—why, for instance, was it thought useful to render these car parks subterranean in the first place. Was the dirt needed elsewhere? Or were they make-work public works projects during economic downtimes? In short, what was the point? After all, the car parks were surrounded by imposing concrete walls, ramps were constructed to gain access; even the floors were concrete to neutralize the elements.


1999 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 633-647 ◽  
Author(s):  
SANDRA LEE BROWNING ◽  
R. ROBIN MILLER

It is an expected norm within our society for women to be married. This research asks Black women about the messages they received about marriage while they were growing up and the messages they in turn pass on to their children about marriage. The various responses denote either a culturalist representation of marriage (i.e., marriages are temporary) or a structuralist interpretation that realizes the messages one receives about marriage are affected by the social and economic realities of the women and their families. To ascertain the information on the messages received and transmitted by women, a survey questionnaire was administered to 286 Black women who lived in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio.


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