Continuing the Revolution: The Political Thought of Mao. By John Bryan Starr. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979. Pp. xv + 366. $20.00, cloth; $5.95, paper.)

1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 1067-1068
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Wylie
1981 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 338
Author(s):  
Andrew G. Walder ◽  
John Bryan Starr

Author(s):  
J.G.A. Pocock ◽  
Richard Whatmore

This chapter studies the era bracketed within the half-century following the Revolution of 1688, in which political thought became engrossed with the conscious recognition of change in the economic and social foundations of politics and the political personality, so that the zōon politikon took on their modern character of participant observer in processes of material and historical change fundamentally affecting their nature. This chapter shows that these changes in perception came about through the development of a neo-Machiavellian, as well as neo-Harringtonian, style in the theory of political economy, in response to England's emergence as Britain—a major commercial, military, and imperial power.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 723-745
Author(s):  
COLIN REID

ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.


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