Woodeaton Coins

1931 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. Milne

The site on Middle Hill at Woodeaton, known as the ‘Roman field,’ has long been famous locally for the number of objects which have been picked up on its surface: and a detailed account of the chief finds, so far as they could be traced, was given by Miss Taylor in vol. vii of the Journal. In regard to coins, however, a good deal can now be added to her account from the collections that have come to the Ashmolean Museum since it was written: and it will be seen that there is some evidence to be derived from them as to the currency in use during the period when the place was a centre of activity.It is not easy to say exactly what this activity was: though numerous coins and small articles, especially fibulae, have been found on the surface, there are hardly any traces of permanent buildings on the site. The Oxford University Archaeological Society, in the course of its trial excavations, came on some fragments of painted plaster which look as if they had belonged to a substantial erection, but there were no foundations of a corresponding character discovered. Potsherds are not uncommon, but are nearly all of late and rough ware, and seem to be distributed irregularly about the field. In fact, there is nothing to suggest that the place was continuously inhabited by a population of such importance as would be expected from the multitude of small finds.

PMLA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 130 (3) ◽  
pp. 799-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joed/ana Rosenberg

Theories, like people, need their fetishes. I'm speaking not of the object fixations of the contemporary humanities but rather of those figures that, while extrinsic to a theory's methodology—even striking a sour or discordant lexical note—come to possess and animate that theory. Such, at least, was true for Marx's Capital, which derives a good deal of its analytic force from the sacramental magnificence of the spirit world. Indeed, the religious language of the fetish—irreducible to the logic of exchange value and the mechanics of equivalence that Capital extrapolates—is the motor of the text. It is so because the language of the fetish lies outside the terms of political economy. The fetish—Capital's indispensable outlier—denaturalizes the banal, violent fungibilities that are the capitalist lifeworld, wreaking its stomach-turning unveilings as if from another planet. Capital would not be Capital without its fetish.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-113
Author(s):  
T. E. C.

Sir John Forbes (1787-1861) in the preface to the first edition of his translation of Laënnec's De l'ausculation médiate, published in 1821, was guilty of one of the most famous false prophecies in medicine.1 He wrote of the newly invented stethoscope: That it [the stethoscope] will ever come into general use, notwithstanding its value, I am extremely doubtful; because its beneficial application requires much time, and gives a good deal of trouble both to the patient and the practitioner; and because its whole hue and character is foreign, and opposed to all our habits and associations. It must be confessed that there is something even ludicrous in the picture of a grave physician formally listening through a long tube applied to the patient's thorax, as if the disease within were a living being that could communicate its condition to the sense without. Besides, there is in this method a sort of bold claim and pretension to certainty and precision of diagnosis, which cannot, at first sight, but be somewhat startling to a mind deeply versed in the knowledge and uncertainties of our art, and to the calm and cautious habits of philosophising to which the English physician is accustomed. On all these accounts, and others that might be mentioned, I conclude, that the new method will only in a few cases be speedily adopted, and never generally.2 This paragraph was omitted from subsequent editions.


1986 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. R. Apted

The Glamis Book of Record, compiled by Patrick 1st Earl of Strathmore between the years 1685 and 1689, contains, in addition to more mundane material, the Earl's autobiography. This, combined with other documents preserved in the charter room at Glamis, provides a remarkably detailed account of the Earl's building and other works at Glamis between the years 1671 and 1689, a short but crucial period in the long history of the castle.In 1671 the castle, then little more than an empty shell, consisted of a massive tower-house, with additions and alterations mostly dating to the first few years of the century, attached to an east wing of earlier date. The single access crossed an encircling ditch and reached the entrance through a walled courtyard containing a miscellaneous collection of buildings, some possibly a good deal older than the castle itself.The Earl, who was his own architect, began by drawing up a scheme for all his proposed improvements, which he then executed in stages over the years as circumstances allowed. The existing approach was replaced by an avenue with a series of ornamented gateways. The buildings in front of the castle were cleared away and replaced by an inner and outer courtyard with gardens and a bowling green, while necessary outbuildings were sited in a separate courtyard at the back of the castle. The existing east wing was matched by a new west wing to provide a symmetrical façade and the available accommodation increased by an addition to the east wing and extensions to the back of the tower-house, including a rectangular stair tower and three storeys of rooms with a chapel on the topmost floor.Although the principal building works were carried out by local masons underthe Earl's instruction, the interior was decorated where appropriate by immigrant craftsmen of high standing. Thus, by the time the Earl died in 1695, he had converted a largely derelict, haphazard assemblage of buildings into a well-planned and seemly mansion environed with gardens and wholly appropriate to a Scottish gentleman of the period.


Author(s):  
Mykola Khshanovskyi

Tasks of scientific research:– to characterize the Ars subtilior style;– to determine the philosophical and cultural prerequisites for the emer-gence of the Ars subtilior style;– to describe their impact on the musical art of that time.The methodology of the research is based on the use of historical andtheoretical methods.Conclusions: Composers of Ars subtilior style tried to achieve absolutepossibilities in music: the complexity of rhythm, visual representation andlyrical content, the variety of ways to fix it, and, to a lesser extent, the matterof harmony. Like their contemporaries in the domain of logic, composersaccepted simple logical puzzles and deliberately made them as difficult aspossible. It looked like this: the composers of Ars subtilior took simplemelodic lines and decorated them in various ways, as if competing amongthemselves, just for the sake of the complexity of the experiment. Followingthe example of their predecessors, Ars subtilior composers focused onexpanding the boundaries of rhythm and notation more than on other musicalcomponents (for example, harmony and melody). However, they did this morefor the sake of curiosity, not seeking to improve or clarify the rhythm andnotation.Experiments in the development of rhythmics went in parallel with thedevelopment of other medieval sciences. Especially close and obvious contactcan be traced with the philosophy of the same time. The 13th century inWestern Europe became a period of its rapid development. There werecreated philosophical schools, particularly in England, France, Italy. Thelargest European philosophical center was created at Oxford University.


1964 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
J. R. Macphail

The Church of South India in fifteen years published separate J. forms for ten services. They are flimsy booklets, difficult for booksellers to handle and easy for owners to tear or mislay. They were used, some of them widely, in and beyond C.S.I., and were then reconsidered and revised: and now they have been made into a book, The Book of Common Worship, by Oxford University Press. It is a time to look back and to look forward.How does the Church of South India worship ? At the sixth biennial Synod, Nagercoil, 1958, after more than ten years of union, the Moderator or presiding bishop, Bishop Sumitra, said that in six of the fourteen dioceses union so far had made no perceptible difference. That is disappointing, for any step towards the reunion of the Church ought to renew and broaden the worship of the various denominations. But is it surprising ? For many bad reasons, and for some good ones, we all cling to the familiar, hoping blindly that it will prove to be safe. We say that we know what we like, meaning that we like what we know. Indeed, it may look as if we went to church, not in order to worship God, but in order to say, hear, and sing, as nearly as possible, what we said, heard, and sang, last Sunday. There may be many mansions in the Father's house, but we are comfortable enough in the room we were born in.


2011 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gordon Finlayson

Adorno's late work has often been compared to negative theology, yet there is little serious discussion of this comparison in the secondary literature.1 In most of the existing discussions virtually nothing is said about negative theology, as if it is obvious what it is and what the parallels with Adorno's ideas are. The truth is that negative theology is not self-evident, and neither are the parallels with Adorno at all obvious. To find out what they are would require a detailed account of both. In this article I shall make a start in this direction.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document