The Social Democratic Federation

Author(s):  
Mark Bevir

This chapter provides a detailed investigation of the background, thought, and politics of the members of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF). Several of the early members of the SDF were followers of James Bronterre O'Brien, based in the radical workingmen's clubs of London. Even after they came to accept the need for collective ownership of the means of production, their political strategy remained that of O'Brien. They believed in political action to create a properly democratic state through which the people might then promote social reforms. This account of the O'Brienites helps to explain various unsolved problems in the history of British Marxism, notably why most members remained with Hyndman rather than follow Morris into the Socialist League, and why the SDF adopted an ambiguous attitude to trade unions and palliatives.

1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bevir

SummaryA number of Bronterre O'Brien's disciples were the leading lights of London clubs that provided the silent majority to the Social Democratic Federation (S.D.F.). Even after the O'Brienites came to accept the need for collective ownership of the means of production, their political strategy remained that of O'Brien. An understanding of the role played by the O'Brienites helps to explain various problems in the history of the S.D.F. such as why most members remained with Hyndman rather than follow Morris into the Socialist League and why the S.D.F. adopted an ambiguous attitude to trade unions and to palliatives.


2019 ◽  
pp. 149-185
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.نادية فاضل عباس فضلي

India is today the largest democratic state in the Third World and has been able to maintain its national unity in the near future. The history of Indian civilization is more than 5,000 years old. It has achieved its heritage, culture, philosophy, traditions, national unity and unity and has taken its place among nations seeking progress and progress. Which are still visible to the present day, because of their history of civilization and achievements, and the fusion of cultures of invading peoples over the centuries with the culture of diverse Indian society, but despite being a secular state, Has put into place through its governments various forms of exclusion and marginalization towards the people of India, especially Muslims, and this has affected the performance of the State and credibility since independence in 1947 and to this day, but this does not mean that it is a country that does not have the elements of national unity and practices of democratic action so far at least, Democratic, in terms of elections and voting in the Indian states is still in place, but the social, religious and class divisions overlap to produce conflicts that surfaced from time to time, threatening to be dismantled if political leaders do not come to improve the measure So that the extent of conflicts in India to the extent of the outbreak of war in various denominations sectarian, religious, social and economic.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 180-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Saumarez Smith

Abstract This article presents the first historical account of the spectacular growth of British leisure centres throughout the 1970s. The first section explains why the concept of leisure became so prominent, and emphasizes the extent of the boom in construction of centres. The second section offers a tour of a pioneering leisure centre in Bletchley, Buckinghamshire. The third provides a history of a firm of architects, Gillinson, Barnett and Partners, who were particularly active in producing leisure centres. The article argues that leisure centres help us to revise a view of municipal government in this period as being sclerotic and moribund; instead the social democratic state is seen as expanding its purview and adapting in response to a range of issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 516-546
Author(s):  
ERIK LAKOMAA

The Social Democratic Party not only ruled Sweden for most of the twentieth century but also owned one of the country’s largest advertising groups. The company, founded in 1947 as Folkreklam and later renamed Förenade ARE-Bolagen, rapidly became dominant in outdoor advertising in Sweden and remained in that position until the late 1980s. This paper expands the previous research on party-owned enterprises, a type of businesses that is rare in the Western democratic world, covering the history of ARE from its inception to its eventual merger with JCDecaux in 1997. It is shown that the owner relationship with the party was highly beneficial for the company, as it provided preferential access to adverting space and public contracts from government agencies and municipalities without formal competition. The party benefited from the control over sensitive information pretraining to strategies in political propaganda during elections and from the financial contribution of ARE.


1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-415
Author(s):  
Klaus von Beyme

In western democracies different patterns of cooperation among working class organizations have developed. The three ‘pillars’ of the working class movement in Britain, the trade unions, the party and the cooperative movement, have no equivalent in the history of Germany, for two reasons.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-220
Author(s):  
Hannah Tischmann

AbstractThis article analyses literary approaches to the relation between the folkhem, the Swedish welfare state, and the miljonprogram (a public housing program between 1965 and 1974 implemented by the social democratic government with the aim to build 1 million homes to solve the housing shortage). Since its initiation, this housing program has been subjected to critique addressing, among others, issues with quality and the promotion of segregation and social exclusion. Literary discussions since the mid-1960s have both responded to this critique and challenged it. They have questioned the impact of welfare politics on a still divided society by drawing on negative aspects of miljonprogram-areas. Recent texts that negotiate class and ethnicity, however, reclaim these areas with positive descriptions. They highlight their meaning as homes for a large part of Swedish contemporary society and thereby re-connect to the original idea of the folkhem – a home for the people.


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