Contrasts in freedom: Comparing the experiences of imprisonment in open and closed prisons in England and Wales and Norway

Open prisons are portrayed as less harmful custodial institutions than closed prisons, and prison systems that rely more heavily on low security imprisonment are typically considered to have a more humane and less punitive approach to punishment. However, few studies have systematically compared the subjective experiences of prisoners held in open and closed prisons, and no study has yet compared the role and function of open prisons across jurisdictions. Drawing on a survey conducted with prisoners (N = 1082) in 13 prisons in England and Wales and Norway, we provide the first comparative analysis of experiences of imprisonment in closed and open prisons, conducted in countries with diverging penal philosophies (‘neoliberal’ vs. ‘social democratic’). The article documents that open prisons play a much more significant role in Norway than in England and Wales; that prisoners in both countries rate their experience significantly more positively in open compared to closed prisons; and that while imprisonment seems to produce similar kinds of pains in both types of prisons, they are perceived as less severe and more manageable in open prisons. These findings suggest important implications for comparative penology, penal policy, and prison reform.

Underground Press of Social Democratic Organizations in Šiauliai in 1904–1914

This article deals with propaganda activities, such as publishing proclamations (20 publications), revolutionary songs (1), and underground periodicals (1), by local organizations of the Bund, LSDDP, LSDP and RSDDP in Šiauliai in 1904–1914. Political changes in Russia in 1904–1907 created favorable conditions for social democratic organizations to actively carry out propaganda activities, but the intensity at which they were carried out was not uniform across Lithuania. The proletarian profile of Šiauliai and the particularly active activity of the LSDP allowed to mobilize propagandists in a short time, to prepare the necessary proclamations on the spot, and to provide the necessary press equipment. During the years of the revolution (1905–1907), Šiauliai had to emerge as the second center of the social democratic movement in Lithuania. After the defeat of the revolution in Russia, due to the increased persecution of social democratic forces, the underground organizations failed to mobilize their press capacity or develop more active propaganda events; therefore, the political parties even had to suspend the activities of local organizations in Šiauliai. The integration of social democratic youth into the social democratic organizations of Šiauliai took place in c. 1912 and gave hope for a stronger revival of propaganda. The resumption of activities ceased in the first years of the First World War. The large-scale underground press developed in underground conditions expressed the expectations of the local population, reflected the involvement of parties in the formation of political views of the urban population, and was a counterweight to official information. Therefore, its assessment is inseparable from the realities of the political context of that time.

Liberalism

Chapter 8 argues that liberal values of freedom and equality not only form the basis for social justice (as argued in Chapter 4), but shared liberal values also provide a social basis for trust, solidarity, and egalitarian redistribution. More specifically, it is argued that shared liberal values have positive institutional, distributive, and direct value effects on social cohesion. Rawls made similar claims, but here a more thorough argument is provided. First, shared liberal values facilitate electoral support for universal, social democratic welfare states, which are conducive to institutional and generalized trust and redistributive solidarity. Second, shared liberal values facilitate electoral support for egalitarian redistribution, where socio-economic equality tends to promote trust and solidarity. And third, shared liberal values have direct value effects, where people who share such values tend to have a more inclusive conception of their in-group, and extend their trust and solidarity to, for example, immigrants.

Parties Matter: The Consequences of PRR Parties in Subnational Governments on Health Policy

Although the research surrounding PRR parties has increased over the years, health policies, an important part of the welfare system, have generally been neglected. Using an in-depth case-study approach, this article analyses the health policy consequences of PRR parties in Austrian and Italian subnational governments over time, thereby expanding the units of analysis while also looking at an understudied level of government. The findings indicate a propensity towards neoliberalism, combined with accents of welfare chauvinism in Austria and a strategy of shutting down the Freedom Party of Austria. In the case of Italy, both regional cases mark a desire for welfare chauvinism but an inability to restrict healthcare access directly. In all four cases (except Burgenland), the PRR parties are consistently chauvinistic (despite seeming to prefer welfare to liberal chauvinism, they typically implement the latter for health policies) and any factor of generosity comes from a social democratic coalition partner or not at all.

RELIGIOUS AND MORAL EDUCATION OF ORTHODOX RUSSIAN SOLDIERSIN THE LATE XIX - EARLY XX CENTURIES

One of the consequences of the Great Reforms of Alexander II was the radical transformation of the Russian Imperial Army. At the same time, the development of social thought in Russia created the conditions for the penetration of social democratic propaganda into the soldier’s environment. As a result, the moral and psychological state of soldiers and discipline in the Russian army began to decline steadily at the turn of the century. Understanding of this problem stimulated the military department to make significant efforts aimed at working with personnel. However, due to a number of reasons, the planned results were not fully achieved.

Swimming with or Against the Tide: Has the International Labour Organisation Been Co-Opted by Neoliberal Hegemony

<p>Work is one, if not the, primary mechanism through which the majority of the world's population experience economic globalisation. Work is intimately connected to matters of human rights, social equality, welfare, and class struggle and it is increasingly determined by activities that occur in the international and transnational levels. Neoliberal globalisation has fundamentally restructured the world of work. It has also undermined the social democratic worldview of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on which the global governance portfolio for labour most squarely falls. The ILO's current Director General Juan Somavia, in referring to this era of neoliberal hegemony, has said that "the ILO has often been swimming against the tide". This thesis undertakes a thorough examination of Somavia's statement in order to determine the extent to which the neoliberal tide has saturated the organisation and its ideas?</p>

Swimming with or Against the Tide: Has the International Labour Organisation Been Co-Opted by Neoliberal Hegemony

<p>Work is one, if not the, primary mechanism through which the majority of the world's population experience economic globalisation. Work is intimately connected to matters of human rights, social equality, welfare, and class struggle and it is increasingly determined by activities that occur in the international and transnational levels. Neoliberal globalisation has fundamentally restructured the world of work. It has also undermined the social democratic worldview of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on which the global governance portfolio for labour most squarely falls. The ILO's current Director General Juan Somavia, in referring to this era of neoliberal hegemony, has said that "the ILO has often been swimming against the tide". This thesis undertakes a thorough examination of Somavia's statement in order to determine the extent to which the neoliberal tide has saturated the organisation and its ideas?</p>